This text is a transcription of an interview conducted on 17 October 2023.
Beverly Ochieng – security and media expert, focusing on the insurgency in the Sahel and Russian influence in Africa, including activities by the Wagner Group. She lives in Nairobi and works with BBC Monitoring.
Agata Krygier: What is the position of African countries regarding the war currently taking place in the Middle East?
Beverly Ochieng: Collectively, the African Union has expressed sympathy for Palestinians and called for negotiations towards a two-state solution. However, African countries have taken different stances based on their relations with the warring parties.
The reaction has not been entirely uniform, with Zambia, Kenya and Ghana more explicitly condemning Hamas and backing Israel. Meanwhile, Sudan, Djibouti, and South Africa have been clear about their support for the Palestinians. Despite Israel’s growing diplomatic presence on the continent in the last decade and plans by several African countries to move their embassies from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Israel has not fully consolidated its support in Africa in this latest conflict.
The African Union highlighted in statements in French and English that the confrontations were underpinned by the “denial of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people, particularly that of an independent and sovereign state”. AU Commission chairperson Moussa Faki urgently appealed to both parties to put an end to military hostilities and to return, without conditions, to the negotiating table to implement the principle of two States living side by side, to safeguard the interests of the Palestinian people and the Israeli people.
Israel has previously sought to take part in AU meetings as an observer, sparking some backlash. Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni also called for warring parties to return to the “two states solution” in a statement on 7 October, where he expressed regret over the violence.
Mr. Museveni hosted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2016 and 2020 in efforts to improve relations between the two countries. The Ugandan leader also brokered the normalization of relations between Israel and Sudan in 2020. However, Sudan’s foreign ministry backed the Palestinians in the wake of renewed confrontations.
Collectively, the African Union has expressed sympathy for Palestinians and called for negotiations towards a two-state solution. However, African countries have taken different stances based on their relations with the warring parties.
“Sudan is following with concern the dangerous developments currently taking place in occupied Palestine. Sudan renews its support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to have their independent state. It calls for adherence to international resolutions and the protection of innocent civilians,”
a statement published on the Facebook page of state news agency Suna said.
South Africa called for an “immediate ceasefire”.
“The region is in desperate need of a credible peace process that delivers on the calls of a plethora of previous UN resolutions for a two-state solution and a just and comprehensive peace between Israel and Palestine,” the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (Dirco) said on its official Facebook page on 7 October.
Meanwhile, Nigeria warned that “the cycle of violence and retaliation that the current escalation has assumed only serves to perpetuate an unending cycle of pain and suffering for the civilian population, that bear the brunt of every conflict”.
Kenya‘s President William Ruto urged the warring parties to de-escalate as “casualties continue to rise”. “Kenya strongly maintains that there exists no justification whatsoever for terrorism, which constitutes
a serious threat to international peace and security. All acts of terrorism and violent extremism are abhorrent, criminal and unjustifiable, regardless of the perpetrator, or their motivations,” he said on X.
Zambia‘s Foreign Affairs Minister Stanley Kakubo backed Israel in a statement condemning the Hamas attacks. “We strongly condemn the recent attacks on Israel, which have regrettably resulted in the loss of lives. We unequivocally denounce all acts of aggression and violence, and continue to emphasise the necessity of pursuing diplomatic means to resolving international conflicts,” he said on X.
During his visit to Washington, the President of Ghana urged the US government not to withdraw its support for Africa amidst ongoing events in Ukraine, Israel, and the Gaza Strip. He proposed the formation of a ‘global coalition of democracies’ to collectively combat terrorism.
During the US-Africa summit last year, Ghana’s president expressed concern over the presence of Wagner mercenaries establishing themselves in southern Burkina Faso, near Ghana’s border. However, Akufo-Addo later retracted the statement following tensions with the military rulers in Ouagadougou. Nevertheless, his initial remarks highlighted widespread concerns that, with the withdrawal of France and other Western security players in the Sahel, the potential expansion of Wagner mercenaries could heighten instability in the region.
During the 11th extraordinary special session of the UN General Assembly, convened due to Russia’s aggressive invasion of Ukraine, 141 countries voted in favor of the complete withdrawal of Russian forces and the dissolution of the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics. Five countries voted against this motion, and 35 abstained. Within the latter group, the majority, comprising 17 nations, were African countries such as CAR (Central African Republic), Congo, Mali, Sudan, and Mozambique. This suggests a mutual interdependence between the interests of the Russian Federation and the African countries. Could you explain the mutual relations between individual countries and the Russian Federation, particularly focusing on those where there is a presence of Russian mercenaries—commonly known as The Wagner Group?
The mercenaries were only in Mozambique and Sudan briefly and are not the focal point of relations between them and Russia. The Kremlin does have bilateral defence agreements with both. In Sudan, there have been plans to establish a naval base to give Russia access to the Red Sea. Meanwhile in Mozambique, Russia has supplied weapons at affordably rates and maintains historical ties dating back to the independence struggle. These sentimental connections span across the continent and have been utilized to bolster present-day relations between Russia and African countries.
I want to emphasize that the voting trend among the majority of African countries was against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The few that abstained, or in the case of Eritrea even supported it, are not globally influential powers and often had pragmatic reasons for their stance. However, despite this, disproportionate attention has been given to the small number that abstained. In the cases of CAR and Mali, their decision to abstain can be attributed to their close relations with Russia. Russia provides protection to their respective leaders in exchange for mineral concessions in CAR and access to weapons, as it did in Mali.
The mercenaries were only in Mozambique and Sudan briefly and are not the central point of relations between them and Russia. The Kremlin does have bilateral defence agreements with both. In Sudan, there have been plans to establish a naval base to give Russia access to the Red Sea. Meanwhile in Mozambique, Russia has supplied weapons at affordably rates and maintains historical ties dating back to the independence struggle. These sentimental connections span across the continent and have been utilized to bolster present-day relations between Russia and African countries.
The Central African Republic, a nation that was under French colonial rule for decades, where companies exploited the population to harvest rubber and work on plantations, now experiences an informal type of colonial influence from Russia. In exchange for training the army and providing protection to President Faustin Touadéra against rebel groups, Russian mercenaries secure mining contracts for valuable resources such as gold, diamonds, and rare earth elements. One prominent example is the Ndassima mine, which holds gold deposits valued at nearly $3 billion. In 2020, it was sold to Midas Resources SARLU, associated with J. Prigozhin, who continues to oversee its operations.
Citing an American diplomatic document, Politico reported estimated annual profits of Prigozhin’s companies from gold mining in CAR at approximately $1 billion USD. This document outlines the transformation of the Ndassima gold mine over the past two years by the Wagner Group into a significant mining complex. The Wagner Group not only expanded and modernized the mine but also fortified its infrastructure by constructing roads and bridges. Since June 27, these activities have faced sanctions imposed by the US Department of the Treasury.
Lobaye Invest is another private company registered in the Central African Republic (CAR), functioning as a subsidiary of the Russian company M-Finans controlled by Yevgeny Prigozhin. It is overseen by Dimitri Sytij, a senior manager of the Wagner Group, and Yevgeny Khodotov, who is affiliated with Yevgeny Prigozhin. Lobaye Invest operates gold and diamond mines in the Central African Republic. Additionally, it funds various media outlets, including the Lengo Songo radio station, which operates in CAR, conducts disinformation campaigns, and promotes the presence of the Wagner Group in the country. Research conducted by journalist Anjan Sundaram indicates that a company linked to Wagner, such as Diamville, transports gold and diamonds from the Central African Republic to other countries, often to destinations in the Middle East. There, these materials are converted into cash, contributing to the funding of the conflict in Ukraine. Which countries are the recipients of raw materials?
The mercenaries were only in Mozambique and Sudan briefly and are not the central point of relations between them and Russia. The Kremlin does have bilateral defence agreements with both. In Sudan, there have been plans to establish a naval base to give Russia access to the Red Sea. Meanwhile in Mozambique, Russia has supplied weapons at affordably rates and maintains historical ties dating back to the independence struggle. These sentimental connections span across the continent and have been utilized to bolster present-day relations between Russia and African countries.
This is difficult to tell but the continued success of these businesses indicates an active market for the minerals obtained by the Wagner Group. Some of these resources seem to be traded within Russia. For example – there was an instance when the Russia House in Bangui planned a trade fair in September, aiming to attract businesses from Moscow for potential investment opportunities in Bangui. Some minerals may find their way into the more formal economy through partnerships with the Russian government. However, these connections are opaque and therefore challenging to verify. Additionally, there is a possibility that Wagner-associated entities collaborate with Middle Eastern nations, given the involvement by both sides in Sudan where mercenaries have operated in the gold sector.
In a society fueled by propaganda, Russia is considered an ally credited with stabilizing a country torn by civil war. There is a monument in the capital commemorating the sacrifice of the Wagnerians in defending the local population against the rebels. Another propaganda tool is the 2021 film ‘The Tourist,’ produced by a company affiliated with the Wagner Group. This film glorifies the heroic deeds of mercenaries in the country and premiered in the capital, Bangui. Screened at the Barthélemy Boganda sports complex, the film drew an audience of 20,000 viewers. ‘The Tourist’ holds significant importance for contemporary Central Africans on multiple fronts. Firstly, it marks the first feature film translated into Sango, the official language of the Central African Republic. This act stands as a symbolic gesture of cultural emancipation for African nations, countering the historical disregard for local languages by former colonial powers.
Russia is also expanding its influence in Bungi through the production of vodka, produced in CAR by
a company close to Wagner’s mercenaries, and based on Russian technology.
Rather than defending the population from rebels, Wagner’s group uses brutal methods. Testimonies from witnesses reveal that the Wagnerians use violence to scare residents away from the mines. Incidents of rapes, tortures, and even murders have been reported. The Wagner group is also suspected of attempting to set fire to the 70-year-old Castel brewery in Bangui and of participating in the murder of nine Chinese citizens in the Chimbolo mine near Bambari in March. In both cases, the attacks seem targeted at undermining companies that compete with Wagner’s business interests, including their own beer brand.
What is the reality at CAR? Will those responsible for these crimes be held accountable?
There are currently no examples of legal cases, locally, against the mercenaries. However, after Prigozhin’s death, it appeared as though CAR President Faustin Touadera was seeking support elsewhere.
The government in the CAR has consistently denied that atrocities have been committed by Wagner Group mercenaries or local forces (FACA), despite documented reports by the UN. There are currently no examples of legal cases, locally, against the mercenaries. However, after Prigozhin’s death, it appeared as though CAR President Faustin Touadera was seeking support elsewhere. He travelled to France in August – partly as mediator for the coup crisis in Gabon but also, reportedly, for a reconciliation with Paris. There were also reports in the same month that he is considering getting help from a private security firm based in Washington that could be backed by Biden’s administration. If this is true, it appears Touadera wants to reduce Wagner Group’s influence. Whether this will include a means of ensuring justice for victims of the mercenaries is not clear.
Foto: Image from Pixabay
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