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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
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      • Security
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      • Indo-Pacific
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Jan 22
Analysis, Asia, China, Economy, European Union, Geopolitics, International Politics, NATO, Publications, Turkey

Contemporary China-Turkey Relations

January 22, 2021
Contemporary China-Turkey RelationsDownload

Main points

– Diplomatic relations between Turkey and China were established in 1971.

– Turkey plays a strategically important role in the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.

– Ankara sees Beijing as an alternative partner in technological, military and economic fields.

– Ankara’s criticism of China’s policy towards the Uyghurs has been silenced during the economic crisis in Turkey which cannot afford to lose Chinese investments in its strategic infrastructure.

The history of China-Turkey diplomatic relations

Despite the fact that the relations between the countries in question were established in 1971, they only warmed in the 1990s, partly as a result of the West’s refusal to sell individual sets of weapons to Turkey due to Ankara’s conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Ankara turned to Beijing for help and received the necessary know-how which allowed Turkey to develop ballistic missiles with the range of 100-150 kilometers.[1] According to the Turkish Bureau of Statistics, China-Turkey trade was estimated at $23 billion in 2018, making China Turkey’s third-largest trading partner.[2] Turkey’s exchange profit is only four billion, for which the government in Ankara has been trying to make up by expanding its exports and attracting Chinese investors at this difficult time for the Turkish economy.[3]

Economic partnership

Turkey-China relations go back thousands of years, but, as mentioned above, they were formally established in 1971 when China became a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Due to the issue of mistreating a Muslim minority (the Uyghurs) by the Chinese state, diplomatic and economic relations between the countries were suspended from 1999 to 2000. Gradual rebuilding of relations since 2000 has resulted in the establishment of a “strategic partnership” between Turkey and China in economic and cultural terms. In both countries 2012 and 2013 were celebrated as the “years of Turkey and China”. The breakthrough in relations was due to the Belt and Road Initiative which expanded economic and military cooperation as part of a more developed “strategic partnership.” Turkey’s rapid economic growth after the global economic crisis was halted by sanctions imposed by Russia in 2015 due to the fact that Turkey shot down a Russian aircraft over the Turkey-Syria border.[4] The failed coup which was allegedly initiated by Fethullah Gülen,[5] leader of the influential religious group Hizmet (Service) in 2016, marked the beginning of an economic crisis that Turkey still faces till this day. Accession talks with the European Union, which began in 2005, currently do not satisfy either party. This has forced Turkey to balance and seek partners outside the Union — including in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. As a result, Turkey sees a huge opportunity to rebuild unstable economy with the help of Chinese capital from the Belt and Road Initiative. Trade between China and Turkey amounted to $21.08 billion in 2019, majorly skewed in Beijing’s favor. Chinese exports to Turkey amounted to $18.49 billion while Turkish exports to China — just to $2.58 billion.[6]

The precarious state of Turkish economy needs to see improvement in the country’s infrastructure and technology capacity. Turkey wants to benefit from multilateral policies with both the Americans and Europe, as well as with China and Russia.[7] The controversial in Europe and the United States Chinese company Huawei is investing large sums in Turkey’s technological development, thus creating jobs in Turkey and providing room for cooperation between Chinese and Turkish scientists. Responsibility for the development of 5G networks in Turkey was taken by the Turkish telecommunication company Turkcell in cooperation with Huawei. Companies made a commitment to provide 5G for users across Turkey over the next two years.[8]

The Belt and Road Initiative

Turkey, as a regional force connecting Europe and Asia, plays a very important role in the Belt and Road Initiative. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with the President of China Xi Jinping in June 2019, shortly before the G20 summit where the two expressed their desire to strengthen strategic cooperation and build new development strategies.[9] The Silk Road Fund and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank are to be used to look for innovative ways of cooperating to achieve economic growth for both countries. Erdoğan emphasized the importance of China and Turkey’s willingness to cooperate even closer in other fields and reaffirmed Turkey’s active participation in the Belt and Road Initiative, encouraging Chinese entrepreneurs to invest money in Turkish infrastructure and other strategic facilities.[10] This is the opposite of the European Union’s policy, exemplified by the emphasis on the importance of imposing rules and restrictions on Chinese investment in European strategic infrastructure made by the Lithuanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Linas Linkevičius.[11] In June 2020, Turkish Minister of Trade Ruhsar Pekcan made a profession of Turkey being ready to work closely with China on many levels as part of the Initiative after defeating the COVID-19 pandemic. During a phone call with her Chinese counterpart, Zhong Shan, Pekcan encouraged Chinese businessmen to invest in Turkey. Both sides expressed their willingness to continue cooperation in the areas of air transport and visa agreements for their citizens.[12]

In November 2019, a freight train from China’s Shaanxi Province passed through the Istanbul railway tunnel underneath the Bosphorus Strait for the first time.[13] The Middle Corridor plays a very important part in the Chinese Initiative for Turkey and other members. The corridor is intended to connect Asia, Africa and Europe in the future. The railway will reduce the transport time between China and Turkey from one month to 12 days, while the entire route between China and Western Europe will take 18 days using the Marmaray Tunnel in Istanbul.[14] Turkey is to benefit from this project primarily because of its geographical location.

The meaning of the Belt and Road Initiative for Turkey

The economic partnership with China is of a special strategic significance to Turkey for a number of important long-term reasons. Turkish railways, built or upgraded with the Chinese money, will improve the direct connection between the Middle East, Turkey, Russia and Europe. Turkey will benefit from this by improving its trade, as commercial deliveries by freight trains are an alternative to deliveries by sea. The use of railways will reduce delivery time and provide a safer way of transporting goods from China to Turkey and Europe. Trains are also a more economical form of supply, their use reduce costs and bureaucracy.

One of the biggest complaints against China is that it uses the huge investments from the Belt and Road Initiative Fund to put its partners into debt and then take over their collaterals, often in the form of strategic assets such as natural resources, ports, airports or highways.[15] An example of this is Chinese investment in Istanbul’s newest and largest airport in Turkey, put into use in 2018. According to the agreement, Turkey must repay China more than €22 billion or €1.1 billion every year for the next 25 years.[16] Turkey, on the other hand, is not afraid of this phenomenon because of its multilateral policy. A complete change in priorities and making China a leading economic partner would otherwise have deeply affected Turkey’s already weakened economy.

Turkish multilateral policy means that China has not explicitly declared its so-called “Grand Strategy” for Turkey. China’s bitter experience with the Sinop nuclear power plant tender in 2013 and air defense system in 2015 has also fuelled Beijing’s hesitation to engage in strategic infrastructure in Turkey. Furthermore, global policy trends such as the U.S.-China trade war, turbulent U.S.-Russia relations, the reintroduction of the U.S. sanctions against Iran, and the ongoing civil war in Syria seem to have made the prospect of further development of Turkey-China relations even more unclear.[17]

Military cooperation

In September 2010, Turkish and Chinese air forces conducted joint military exercises at Konya Airbase in Turkey. This was the first time that any NATO state had cooperated militarily with the Chinese on its own territory. Turkey assured NATO partners that none of NATO’s F-16s took part in the exercises.[18]

China Precision Machinery Import-Export Corporation won a $4 billion tender for the co-production of long-range missiles in 2013. Turkey rejected competing offers from the American, European and Russian companies and chose a partner that was on the U.S. sanctions list.[19] Ankara made this decision for two main reasons: prices and the ability to share Chinese technology. The decision sparked outrage among NATO states. Chinese systems would be able to “learn” how NATO’s defense technology operates and study its details. Strong opposition from NATO member states forced Turkey to postpone the project’s start date five times and eventually to withdraw from the agreement with the Chinese in 2015.[20] Although the project failed, it was an important lesson for the Alliance. Firstly, Chinese systems are at a technological level high enough to enable them competing with the West. Secondly, the situation has shown that Turkey is not afraid to seek partners outside its traditional NATO allies.

Currently, Turkey and China continue to conduct military consultations and cooperate on cybersecurity and intelligence. The Turkish ballistic missile Bora, based on the Chinese B-611 missile, was used in Turkish clashes with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in 2019.[21] The production of the missile together with the presence of officers of the Chinese army at the “Ephesus” military exercises in 2016 constitute evidence of the continuation of good military and diplomatic relations.

Despite the fact that China-Turkey cooperation seems good on many levels, opinions between the two differ sometimes. This difference was evident during the Turkish military intervention in northern Syria in September 2019. While Turkey launched an offensive in Syria, a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, Geng Shuang, called for a diplomatic solution to the dispute and supported the independence and sovereignty of the Syrian Arab Republic.[22]

Turkey also remains China’s main competitor in the production of armed UAVs.[23] The quality and effectiveness of Turkish drones were tested during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The battle-tested Turkish drones were one of the weapons that gave Azerbaijan an advantage and victory in the conflict.[24]

The Uyghurs Matter

Turkey has sharply criticized China’s policy towards the Uyghurs (a Muslim ethnic group living in the Xinjiang autonomous region in the northwest of China). According to the Reuters reports, members of this group have been persecuted by the Chinese Communist Party and sent to “re-education camps” where they have no contact with the outside world and are monitored by guards 24 hours a day.[25] In his statement in 2009, then Prime Minister Erdoğan explicitly called discriminating the Uyghurs a “genocide” and asked China to show some “sensitivity”.[26] In July 2019, Erdoğan said that a solution to the problem could be found “taking into account the sensitivities of both sides.”[27] Since then, however, the Uyghurs matter became a taboo for the politician and he hardly spokes about it anymore. Turkey arrested hundreds of Uyghurs and sent them to detention centers.[28] Ankara does not admit to direct deportation of the Uyghurs to China but activists accuse it of taking prisoners to countries such as Tajikistan, which makes it easier for Beijing to carry out the arrests.[29] The Uyghurs who were interviewed by the British Sunday Telegraph fear that their loved ones have been transferred from Turkey to Tajikistan where Beijing used its influence to deport them to labor camps in China.[30]

Conclusion

In the face of the current economic crisis, Turkey cannot afford to lose a serious investor like China. When it comes to the relations with Beijing, Erdoğan’s diplomacy must balance the complicated issue of the Uyghurs and saving its economy, and relations with Muslim countries and the West. Chinese investments in Turkish infrastructure are crucial for President Erdoğan’s current government in the face of a weakening economy. Turkey’s involvement in conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh, among others, has not only burdened the Turkish budget, but has also undermined the perception of Turkey by investors from Western countries. Economic and military cooperation with Turkey expands Chinese influence in Asia and is a gateway to Europe. The strategic location of Turkey is crucial for China in the development of the Belt and Road Initiative.

Recommendations

By offering Turkey economic alternatives, the European Union may reduce China’s influence in Europe and resume talks on Turkey’s accession to the EU. The openness of European countries to Turkey and even closer economic cooperation may help to stabilize the Turkish economy faster and lead to the continuation of talks on Turkey’s accession to the European Union in the future. Thanks to the dialogue between the EU and Turkey, a common strategy concerning China may be established, from which both sides may gain: Chinese influence in Eurasia will decrease and Turkey will be closer to joining the Union.

NATO member states should look for even closer military cooperation with Turkey which has the second-largest army in the Alliance. Turkey is a strategically located member of NATO and a very important military partner who takes part in many peacekeeping missions. Tighter military cooperation and joint development of new technologies, e.g. drones, may increase Turkey’s confidence and trust in NATO partners and stabilize relations, enabling the Alliance to focus on threats from the outside.


[1] Lavi, G., Lindenstrauss, G., ‘China and Turkey: Closer Relations Mixed with Suspicion’, Strategic Assessment, 19 (2016), pp. 119-126.

[2] DW, Turkey, China seek to expand economic ties despite political differences. Available at: https://www.dw.com/en/turkey-china-seek-to-expand-economic-ties-despite-political-differences/a-49425011 [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[3] DW, Turkey, China seek to expand economic ties despite political differences, Available at: https://www.dw.com/en/turkey-china-seek-to-expand-economic-ties-despite-political-differences/a-49425011 [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[4] The Guardian, Shooting down of Russian jet – how the day unfolded. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/nov/24/shooting-down-of-russian-jet-how-the-day-unfolded [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[5] BBC, Turkey Coup: Who was behind Turkey coup attempt?. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-36815476 [accessed on December 15, 2020]

[6] Kulaksiz, S., ‘Financial Integration via Belt and Road Initiative: China-Turkey Cooperation’, Global Journal of Emerging Market Economies, 11 (2019), pp.48-64.

[7] Daily News, Silk road train ‘first step towards a game changer’. Available at: https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/silk-road-train-first-step-towards-a-game-changer-148533 [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[8] CNBC, 4.5G, 5G and beyond: Turkey’s digital transformation. Available at: https://www.cnbc.com/2019/04/08/photos-inside-12-billion-istanbul-new-airport-biggest-in-the-world.html [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[9] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jiping Meets with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey. Available at: https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t1673155.shtml [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[10] Zan, T., ‘”Turkey Dream” and the China-Turkish Cooperation under “One Belt and One Road” Initiative’, Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 10 (2016), pp.50-72.

[11] Institute of New Europe, Przyszłość sojuszu transatlantyckiego: nowe możliwości dla Europy i Stanów Zjednoczonych — podsumowanie spotkania w ramach Warsaw Security Forum. Available at: http://ine.org.pl/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Przyszłość-sojuszu-transatlantyckiego-nowe-możliwości-dla-Europy-i-Stanów-Zjednoczonych-–-podsumowanie-spotkania-w-ramach-Warsaw-Security-Forum.pdf [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[12] Belt & Road News, Turkey Ready to expand Belt & Road Cooperation. Available at: https://www.beltandroad.news/2020/06/14/turkey-ready-to-expand-belt-road-cooperation/ [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[13] Doing Business in Turkey, Turkey as Middle Corridor in One Belt, One Road. Available at: https://doingbusinessinturkey.com/turkey-as-middle-corridor-in-one-belt-one-road/ [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[14] Ibidem.

[15] The Japan Times, ‘Debt trap’ diplomacy is a card China seldom plays in Belt and Road initiative. Available at: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2020/09/01/commentary/debt-trap-diplomacy-bri-china/ [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[16] Bloomberg, China’s ICBC, Turkey’s Largest Airport In Talks for Refinancing. Available at: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-02-10/istanbul-airport-in-talks-with-chinese-banks-on-6-billion-loans [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[17] Colakoglu, S., China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Turkey’s Middle Corridor: A Question of Compatibility. Available at: https://www.mei.edu/publications/chinas-belt-and-road-initiative-and-turkeys-middle-corridor-question-compatibility [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[18] Reuters, China mounts air exercise with Turkey, U.S. says. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-turkey-usa-idUSTRE6975HC20101008 [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[19] Soylemez, M., Turkey and China: An Account of a Bilateral Relations Evolution (Hong Kong, Asia Centre, 2017).

[20] Reuters, Chinese firm under U.S. sanctions wins Turkish missile deal. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-china-defence-idUSBRE98Q0SC20130927 [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[21] Foreign Policy, Erdogan is Turning Turkey Into a Chinese Client State. Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/09/16/erdogan-is-turning-turkey-into-a-chinese-client-state/ [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[22] China Daily, Turkish troops push deeper into Syria. Available at: https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201910/11/WS5d9fc34aa310cf3e3556fcdd.html [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[23] Nikkei Asia, Turkey begins to rival China in military drones. Available at: https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/International-relations/Turkey-begins-to-rival-China-in-military-drones [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[24] VOA, Turkish Drone Power Displayed in Nagorno-Katabakh Confilcit. Available at: https://www.voanews.com/middle-east/turkish-drone-power-displayed-nagorno-karabakh-conflict [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[25] Reuters, Turkish leader calls Xinjiang killings “genocide” Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-china-sb-idUSTRE56957D20090710 [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[26] Polityka, Bez litości — tak Chiny traktują Ujgurów i inne muzułmańskie mniejszości. Available at: https://www.polityka.pl/tygodnikpolityka/swiat/1933318,1,bez-litosci–tak-chiny-traktuja-ujgurow-i-inne-muzulmanskie-mniejszosci.read [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[27] al-Jazeera, Turkey’s Erdogan says solution possible for China’s Muslims. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/7/4/turkeys-erdogan-says-solution-possible-for-chinas-muslims [accessed on December 14, 2020]

[28] Middle East Eye, Turkey accused of deporting Uighurs back to China via third countries. Available at: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uighurs-china-turkey-accused-deporting-third-countries [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[29] Foreign Policy, Erdogan Is Turning Turkey Into a Chinese Client State. Available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/09/16/erdogan-is-turning-turkey-into-a-chinese-client-state/ [accessed on November 20, 2020]

[30] Middle East Eye, Turkey accused of deporting Uighurs back to China via third countries. Available at: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uighurs-china-turkey-accused-deporting-third-countries [accessed on December 21, 2020]

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Jakub Klepek Jakub Klepek. Extremism & OSINT analyst. MA Government Graduate at Reichman University, Israel. InterPol and Intelligence Studies alumni at Aberystwyth University, UK. Former intern at NATO LANDCOM in Izmir, The International Counter-Terrorism Institute (ICT) & the Counterterrorism Group (CTG). His research interests are counterterrorism, P/CVE, international security, as well as the Middle East - Israel and Turkey in particular.

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Jakub Klepek Jakub Klepek. Extremism & OSINT analyst. MA Government Graduate at Reichman University, Israel. InterPol and Intelligence Studies alumni at Aberystwyth University, UK. Former intern at NATO LANDCOM in Izmir, The International Counter-Terrorism Institute (ICT) & the Counterterrorism Group (CTG). His research interests are counterterrorism, P/CVE, international security, as well as the Middle East - Israel and Turkey in particular.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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