Email · kontakt@ine.org.pl
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Reports
  • Publications
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact
  • Newsletter
  • Polski
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Reports
  • Publications
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact
  • Newsletter
  • Polski
Feb 11
Georgia, NATO, Publications, Security

Cooperation of the North Atlantic Alliance with Georgia and the prospects of its membership in NATO

February 11, 2022

Key points:

– Georgia’s first steps towards rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures before the Rose Revolution, 2003, during the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze.

– Tbilisi was unreservedly following common arrangements for the reforms necessary to join NATO.

– During the 2008 summit of the Alliance in Bucharest, the coalition partners decided on the future admission of Georgia to their group.

– In recent years, the suspension of the accession process has been visible, caused by the cautious approach to Russia after the Georgian-Russian war in 2008, and the annexation of Crimea in 2014, as well as in connection with the armed conflict in the Donbas and the currently exacerbated situation in Eastern Europe.

Introduction

Admission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is at the top of the list of priorities for successive governments in Tbilisi. Through many years of cooperation, Georgia has come significantly closer to full membership, almost exemplary fulfilling the assumptions of the so-called NATO Annual National Plan (ANP). Experts emphasize that the country is better prepared to join the ranks of NATO, compared to other candidates, at a later stage of the accession process[1]. Nevertheless, the country remains in the third stage of integration with the North Atlantic Alliance, that is, in the phase of “intensive dialogue”. Another step awaited by Georgia is the launch of the Membership Action Plan (MAP). However, a slowdown and stagnation in the accession process have been observed for several years. The most serious problem on Tbilisi’s road to NATO is the policy of the Russian Federation.

History of partnership

Just a year after proclaiming independence in 1991, Georgia joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), which is now succeeded by the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC). In 1994, Tbilisi joined the bilateral cooperation program – NATO Partnership for Peace (PfP) and has actively participated in its exercises since 1996. In 2002, at the Alliance Summit in Prague, then-President Eduard Shevardnadze officially expressed Georgian desire to join NATO. Bilateral actions in this direction intensified after the Rose Revolution in 2003 and the seizure of power by Mikheil Saakashvili. During the first year of his presidency, Georgia began the process of implementing NATO defence and security standards, and the expected democratic reforms. As part of the above activities, the country was the first to launch the Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP). Due to the results achieved and the “intensified dialogue” initiated in 2006 on the issue of Georgia’s membership in NATO, the coalition partners decided during the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008 on the future admission of Georgia and Ukraine to the organization.

It was a turning point for Tbilisi and bad news for Russia. After the declaration of Kosovo’s independence in February and separation from Serbia, the statement of the North Atlantic Alliance was unacceptable to Moscow. The Georgian military operation “Clean Field”, carried out in August 2008, aimed at “restoring a constitutional order” in South Ossetia, ended with a de facto invasion of Russian troops deep into Georgia. Russia’s response to the attacks on Tskhinvali – the capital of South Ossetia – was, inter alia, the bombing of the city of Gori and the Black Sea port of Poti. NATO condemned Russia’s aggressive actions against Georgia and supported Georgian territorial integrity within the borders recognized by the international community. That same year, the NATO-Georgia Commission began its work, whose task is to support and coordinate the reforms of the Georgian state as a strict candidate for a member of the Alliance. Furthermore, in 2010 the NATO Liaison Office was opened in Tbilisi, representing the organization in Georgia[2]. At almost every occasion and subsequent NATO summits, declarations on Georgia’s future membership were reaffirmed and the progress made in the context of cooperation and reforms was approved. Research published in June 2020 by the National Democratic Institute shows that 74% of Georgians support the goal of their homeland to join NATO structures[3].

Elements of cooperation

One of the most important elements of Tbilisi’s cooperation with NATO is participation in the “Sea Breeze” manoeuvres. These are the annual exercises of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces and its allies in the Black Sea basin organized since 1997. The manoeuvres organized in 2021 in Ukraine and along its coast were the largest in their history[4].

Georgian soldiers in the years 1999-2008 took part in the mission in Kosovo. Georgia was also the most involved country – not a NATO member – in the military action International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the training and advisory mission Resolute Support in Afghanistan, in terms of the number of soldiers per capita participating in them[5]. It also participated in the anti-terrorist program Active Endeavor in the sphere of intelligence cooperation in the Mediterranean Sea, launched after the events of September 2001.

After 2004, the aforementioned tightening of relations with NATO was visible in the macroeconomic statistics of Georgia, which increased its defence spending. According to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute data, at its peak in 2007, this expenditure accounted for over 9% of the country’s GDP. The economic crisis and the 2008 war with Russia reduced this indicator, but until 2017 its value did not fall below the assumed 2% of GDP[6].

In 2014, the so-called Substantial NATO-Georgia Package has been adopted, enabling the creation of the NATO-Georgia Joint Training and Evaluation Centre (JTEC) in the following year and the commencement of annual joint exercises in 2016[7]. The purpose of this centre is to create conditions for further, in-depth modernization, strengthening Georgia’s defence sector and increasing interoperability capabilities, facilitating joint operations with coalition forces.

However, even a regular military presence, as exemplified by the visits of American or British warships to the port of Batumi[8], as well as their joint exercises with the Georgian Coast Guard, is not sufficient to ensure Georgia’s security from the side of the Black Sea, according to experts[9].

Current regional challenges

It is worth noting that the turning point in the actions of the Russian Federation towards Eastern Europe was the actual invasion into Georgia in 2008, and not – as is often assumed – the operation to take control of the Crimean Peninsula. After its annexation in 2014, the room for manoeuvre and the possibility of projecting Russian military strength in the Black Sea region increased even more. As reported by Ukrainian and American military sources, in addition to the concentration of a significant number of Russian troops on the border with Ukraine, there were also reports of another blockade of access to the Sea of ​​Azov, which connects through the Kerch Strait with the Black Sea. In 2018, there was an incident that the Russians took control of three ships of the Ukrainian Navy[10]. In the Georgian case, after the support provided to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Russia gained significant access to the Abkhazian Black Sea coast, including the port of Sukhumi. After the war in 2008, the Russian Federation maintained significant military forces there, estimated at around 4,000 soldiers[11].

The issue of territorial integrity connects, as it were, the Georgian and Ukrainian matters. On the territory of both of these countries, there are forces of the Russian Federation supporting the separatist formations. The use by the Russians of the narrative about the “right to self-determination of nations” in the case of the Abkhazians and Ossetians, or the “defence of the Russian-speaking population” in Crimea and the Donbas, gave reasons to awaken the vigilance of the states of NATO’s Eastern Flank and the entire Alliance, to start extensive research on Russian strategic culture, as well as a hybrid and disinformation war. These are positive signals for Georgians and Ukrainians, but sensible political decisions based on long-term calculations will be of key importance.

The consistent opposition expressed by Moscow to the accession of neighbouring countries to the alliance expresses its fear of the deployment of missile systems on their territory that could pose a threat to the security of the Russian Federation, a state which is still engaged in activities against Georgia. Georgia’s joining NATO would to some extent involve an irreversible loss of influence and the possibility of putting pressure on Tbilisi. After 2003 and the Rose Revolution, the actions of Mikheil Saakashvili and his party – the United National Movement – decisively turned towards the West. There is consensus and high support in the main political discourse and among the public both for accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and for integration with the European Union. After 2012 and the takeover of power by the Georgian Dream party, this course remained unchanged. However, the deep socio-political polarization in Georgia has created favourable conditions for the increased destabilization of the state, in which Russia is trying to use every opportunity to strengthen this process. In this context, it is worth recalling the speech of a deputy to the Russian State Duma in the Georgian Parliament during the Interparliamentary Assembly on Orthodoxy in 2019. Sergei Gavrilov then took the place of the chairman, which, combined with the – otherwise obvious – use of the Russian language during the speech, additionally enraged Georgian society. The event resulted in riots and another outbreak of anti-Russian sentiment[12]. In the public space, there have again been many mutual accusations of actions in favour of Russia on the part of individual political groups.

In recent years, Georgia has focused on the modernization of the air defence system, which was manifested, among others, by commencing cooperation with the Israeli armaments sector in 2020[13]. The obligatory lesson Georgia should learn from the conflicts with the Russian Federation is to pay more attention to cybersecurity and information security. This is because many times there have been attacks on websites, including those of public institutions. According to the British National Cyber ​​Security Centre (NCSC), Russian military intelligence stands behind the attacks on around 2,000 of them[14].

Currently, Turkey is striving to play a leading role in the Black Sea region countries aspiring to NATO membership. Its support is manifested, for example, through joint military exercises with Georgia and the most important ally of Ankara in the Caucasus – Azerbaijan. Another important element of this cooperation is the promotion of the Turkish arms industry, which has developed a lot in recent years. An example is the provision of the unmanned Bayraktar TB-2 drones to the Ukrainian armed forces, which were used for the first time in Donbas in October 2021[15]. It should be emphasized, however, that the use of drones has been criticized by Germany, which – along with France – warns against actions leading to the escalation of tensions in the region. Common interests – mainly geoeconomics, such as the Nord Stream gas pipeline – make Germany reluctant to look at all issues that might annoy relations with Moscow. This is one of the main reasons that inhibit attempts to increase NATO and US support for the countries aspiring to membership, i.e., Georgia and Ukraine, and the members of the Black Sea alliance, i.e., Romania and Bulgaria. Nevertheless, during a series of visits to Georgia, Ukraine, and Romania in October, U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin signed a preliminary agreement with the Minister of Defence of Georgia on the continuation and strengthening of bilateral cooperation between the two countries[16].

Summary

The Black Sea area is very important for the United States and Turkey, and now – in the context of NATO’s strategic goals – it seems to be a key region also for the North Atlantic Alliance.

After a series of successful initiatives and fulfilled expectations of Western partners, Georgia is waiting for the final invitation to membership in NATO. However, given the permanently tense situation in eastern Ukraine and the Black Sea region, nothing is a foregone conclusion.

In early December 2021, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement to NATO and the United States, according to which Moscow expects to withdraw the promise of future permanent membership given in 2008 to Georgia and Ukraine. As noted Sergey Lavrov, “in the fundamental interest of European security, it is necessary to renounce the decision from the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest that Ukraine and Georgia will become NATO members”. Interested parties, including the administration of U.S. President Joe Biden, flatly rejected this request. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg pointed out that “the fundamental principle is that every nation has the right to choose its own path”[17]. However, good intentions and words must translate into real support and concrete decisions. The credibility of the Alliance depends on it, as it is put to the test in various situations. The 2017 contract for the purchase of Russian S-400 air defence systems by Turkey[18] or the unexpectedly accelerated American evacuation from Afghanistan leave scratches on the positive image of the Pact’s tactical capabilities and strength.

The NATO summit in Madrid – scheduled for the end of June 2022, during which the discussion on the “NATO 2030” program will be held – will show whether there is a chance for decisive decisions and steps by the allies towards Georgia and Ukraine.

Also, from the point of view of the very essence of the Alliance and its ideals, a consensus of the United States and other member states on the actual continuation of the “open door” policy and recognition of the need to apply an uncompromising approach to the accession of Georgia or Ukraine, despite Moscow’s opposition, will be necessary. The argument that the areas controlled by separatists, and in practice by Russia, officially recognized as Georgian, constitute a problem in Georgia’s accession to NATO seems to be not entirely accurate, because e.g., the British Falklands (Malvinas) or the French island of Reunion are not protected under Article 5 of the Treaty. Due to the fact that Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali Region – so defined by Tbilisi South Ossetia, in which Russian forces are stationed – are constantly a hotbed of dispute, proposals were made, including by former NATO Secretary General Anders F. Rassmussen, to exclude the occupied territories from the above-mentioned article[19]. Appointed in the fall of 2021 the new NATO Secretary General’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and Central Asia Javier Colomina emphasized the need to deepen relations and support for Georgia, but he firmly stated that Rassmussen’s proposal was not realistic. He also added that in Georgia it was necessary to resolve the political crisis and introduce the long-awaited reforms in the judicial system[20].


[1] G. Menabde, NATO-Georgia: A Pause in the Integration Process?, Jamestown Foundation, https://jamestown.org/program/nato-georgia-a-pause-in-the-integration-process/ (access: 12.10.2021).

[2] North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Relations with Georgia, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_38988.htm (access: 12.10.2021).

[3] Agenda.ge, NDI poll: 82% of Georgians support EU, 74%- NATO membership, https://agenda.ge/en/news/2020/146 (access: 12.10.2021).

[4] Defence24, Sea Breeze 2021: największe manewry sojuszników i Ukrainy na Morzu Czarnym, https://defence24.pl/sily-zbrojne/sea-breeze-2021-najwieksze-manewry-sojusznikow-i-ukrainy-na-morzu-czarnym (access: 12.10.2021).

[5] A. Paul, I. Maisuradze, NATO and Georgia 13 years on: So close, yet so far, European Policy Centre, https://www.epc.eu/en/publications/NATO-and-Georgia-13-years-on-So-close-yet-so-far~3f974c (access: 12.10.2021).

[6] The World Bank, Military expenditure (% of GDP) – Georgia, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS?locations=GE (access: 12.10.2021).

[7] NATO Joint Force Training Centre, Another milestone in NATO-Georgia cooperation. NATO Joint Force Training Centre and NATO-Georgia Joint Training and Evaluation Centre sign Partnership Agreement, https://www.jftc.nato.int/articles/jftc-jtec-sign-partnership (access: 12.10.2021).

[8] U.S. Embassy in Georgia, USS Mount Whitney and USS Porter Arrive in Batumi, Georgia, https://ge.usembassy.gov/uss-mount-whitney-and-uss-porter-arrive-in-batumi-georgia/ (access: 12.10.2021).

[9] I. Joja, Georgia and NATO: The case for a 2.0 partnership, Middle East Institute, https://www.mei.edu/publications/georgia-and-nato-case-20-partnership (access: 12.10.2021).

[10] Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Ukraine Says Russia Blocking Most Of Sea Of Azov As Tensions Mount Between Kyiv And Moscow, https://www.rferl.org/a/ukraine-azov-sea-russia-tensions/31604367.html (access: 12.10.2021).

[11] L. Coffey, Russia in the Black Sea, Middle East Institute, https://www.mei.edu/publications/russia-black-sea (access: 12.10.2021).

[12] BBC News, Georgia protests: Thousands storm parliament over Russian MP’s speech, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-48710042 (access: 12.10.2021).

[13] Civil.ge, Georgia Signs Deal with Israeli Company on Air Defense System Modernization, https://civil.ge/archives/367644 (access: 12.10.2021).

[14] BBC, UK says Russia’s GRU behind massive Georgia cyber-attack, https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-51576445 (access: 12.10.2021).

[15] Defence24, Ukraina: Bojowy debiut Bayraktara w Donbasie, https://defence24.pl/sily-zbrojne/ukraina-bojowy-debiut-bayraktara-w-donbasie (access: 12.10.2021).

[16] Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, U.S. Defense Chief Inks Cooperation Deal With Georgia On First Leg Of Visit To Black Sea Allies, https://www.rferl.org/a/austin-georgia-us-nato/31515931.html (access: 12.10.2021).

[17] Reuters, Russia urges NATO to break promise to Ukraine as part of security package, https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/russia-demands-rescinding-nato-promise-ukraine-georgia-2021-12-10/ (access: 12.10.2021).

[18] M. Szopa, Turcja: „własny system” zamiast S-400, Defence24, https://defence24.pl/geopolityka/turcja-wlasny-system-zamiast-s-400 (access: 12.10.2021).

[19] A. Paul, I. Maisuradze, NATO and Georgia 13 years on… (access: 12.10.2021).

[20] Civil.ge, NATO Says ‘Clear No’ to Article 5 Excluding Occupied Regions, https://civil.ge/archives/460422 (access: 12.10.2021).

IF YOU VALUE THE INSTITUTE OF NEW EUROPE’S WORK, BECOME ONE OF ITS DONORS!

Funds received will allow us to finance further publications.

You can contribute by making donations to INE’s bank account:

95 2530 0008 2090 1053 7214 0001

with the following payment title: „darowizna na cele statutowe”

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Tumblr
  • Pinterest
  • Google+
  • LinkedIn
  • E-Mail

Related Posts

See All Publications
  • China, Indo-Pacific, Publications

Watching the 20th CCP National Party Congress from Taipei

From the perspective of Taiwan, a de facto independent sovereign state which continues to exist in the shadows of an…
  • Kuan-Ting Chen
  • January 26, 2023
  • Geopolitics, International Politics, Publications, UN

Lost and damaged: the geopolitics of belatedly tackled climate and biodiversity adaptation

The 2022 COP conferences in Sharm el-Sheikh and Montreal were, depending on who you ask, either regrettable or no short…
  • Maciej Bukowski
  • January 24, 2023
  • 3SI, Economy, Reports

“Financing the Future. How to attract more foreign investors to the Three Seas Region” [Report]

Authors: George Byczynski, Marta Kakol, Sandra Krawczyszyn, Wojciech Lieder PhD, Mateusz Ptaszek, Radosław Pyffel, Piotr Sosnowski PhD, Patryk Szczotka, Julita…
  • Julita Wilczek
  • January 16, 2023
See All Publications

Comments are closed.

Piotr Puzio. Graduate of International Economic Relations at the Cracow University of Economics and a fifth-year student of Eurasian Studies at the Jagiellonian University. His research interests include international relations in the Caucasus region, the activity and influence of regional powers, Georgia's internal policy and its relations with Euro-Atlantic structures. He is also interested in economic cooperation, energy security and conflicts in the post-Soviet area.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

YouTube

Najnowsze publikacje

  • Watching the 20th CCP National Party Congress from Taipei
    by Kuan-Ting Chen
    January 26, 2023
  • Lost and damaged: the geopolitics of belatedly tackled climate and biodiversity adaptation
    by Maciej Bukowski
    January 24, 2023
  • “Financing the Future. How to attract more foreign investors to the Three Seas Region” [Report]
    by Julita Wilczek
    January 16, 2023
  • The CPC 20th National Congress: Taiwan has Become a Key Front Line in the U.S.-China Tech Rivalry
    by Claire Lin
    December 22, 2022
  • The institution of marriage and divorce in Judaism vs. in Islam
    by Aleksandra Siwek
    December 20, 2022

Categories

THE MOST POPULAR TAGS:

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org

China economy European Union International politics International security Poland Russia Security terrorism Ukraine USA

  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Publications
  • Reports
  • Programmes
  • People
  • Contact

Funded by the National Liberty Institute – Center for Civil Society
Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030

© 2019-2020 The Institute of New Europe Foundation · All rights reserved · Support us