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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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  • Contact-Careers
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Mar 10
China, European Union, Indo-Pacific, Publications

EU-China Affairs Review February 2025

March 10, 2025

Mikołaj Woźniak, Konrad Falkowski

Kallas on China during the EU Ambassadors Conference 2025

The EU Ambassadors Conference 2025 took place between 3 and 7 February, an annual event during which participants and high-level representatives of the European Union’s external activities exchange views. Discussions touched on EU diplomacy, global challenges and the EU’s strategic perspectives.

In her inaugural speech, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, apart from the obvious threads related to the war in Ukraine, also touched on the issue of China. She began her paragraph on the Middle Kingdom with a bang, because in the first sentence she stated that “China is a strategic competitor”, in a sense making the current EU strategy towards China, i.e. since 2019, outdated, in which the PRC is perceived on three levels: firstly, as a “negotiating partner”, secondly, as an “economic competitor”, and thirdly, as a “systemic rival”. The reason for this state of affairs – in her opinion – is that the Chinese “are increasingly assertive, globally present and competitively so”.

She further noted that many EU member states have significant interests in China or in terms of trade with that country, and that the European Union itself is still the largest market for the Chinese. However, she also voiced her warning here: “But we should not repeat the same mistakes with China that we made with Russia. Dependences make us vulnerable.” Her remedy for such a developing threat is simple, advocated since 2023 by President Ursula von der Leyen, i.e. de-risking: ” When we needed to, the EU proved it could untangle itself from Russia. So, if we want to de-risk from China, we can.”

Moreover, “China’s assertiveness has also shown us where the EU can pursue closer partnerships”, Kallas said. And here she mentioned countries such as Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, as well as “other countries in the region,” which she did not mention by name, but it can be suspected that she was talking primarily about ASEAN countries that are in conflict with the People’s Republic of China, e.g. the Philippines, or about India, but the partnership with India seems to be much more complicated due to India’s tendency to balance different forces on the international stage.

Von der Leyen on China during the EU Ambassadors Conference 2025

The following day, on February 4, a readout of the speech by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, was published, also from the EU Ambassadors’ Conference 2025. And like her predecessor, she also raised the issue of the People’s Republic of China. But before that, it is worth quoting the chairwoman’s words, which had a wider impact. Namely, she stated that “The view of a world trending towards ever-more-cooperation and hyper-globalisation has become outdated.” In her opinion, the sum of all fears is constantly growing: “From the fear of climate change to Artificial Intelligence, to that of migration or simply of being left behind.” She further stated that the above “also permeates global affairs”, and “countries use their sources of power against each other”, which has inevitably led to the fact that “we are in an era of hyper-competitive and hyper-transactional geopolitics”. But what does von der Leyen mean by thus? She sees a world in which:

  • nothing is certain, especially created norms and rules;
  • main great powers pursue maximalization of their advantages;
  • the spheres of influence are rebuilt and the conquer takes place;
  • authoritarianism grows up and consolidates around Russia;
  • the emerging powers’ disappointing on nowadays international system drives them into those who are able to offer the best deal.

As for China itself, mentioned “personally”, she frankly stated that “this will be an intense year in our relationship with China”, especially due to the celebration of the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations. According to von der Leyen, “relationship with China is one of the most intricate and important anywhere in the world”. This is considerable, because – as she noted – “how we manage it will be a determining factor for our future economic prosperity and national security”. This statement gives the impression that the European Commission in its current composition takes the threat coming from Beijing extremely seriously.

Unlike Kallas, von der Leyen used the word “trading partner” in relation to the PRC in her speech. She cited that around 9% of exports and over 20% of imports of goods relate to the state of trade relations with the Chinese, adding that “most of this trade is mutually beneficial”. However, trade with China is fraught with significant risk and disparities. In her opinion, the European Union must “rebalance this relationship and ensure that our trade and investment relations makes sense for Europe, both for its economy and its security.” And here, once again, the concept of de-risking appears as an antidote to risky relations with Beijing: “So we will keep de-risking our economic relationship – as we have been doing in recent years”.

The EC President has taken a slightly more conciliatory, slightly less hawkish approach, which is probably due to the specter of US tariffs on the European Union. Although even in this opinion it is better to keep some distance, because for the EU the United States will be a key partner in every respect. However, in the context of China, von der Leyen expressed hope that “there is room to engage constructively with China – and find solutions in our mutual interest. And I think we can find agreements that could even expand our trade and investment ties”.

Chinese MFA on von der Leyen’s words

Lin Jian, Chinese spokesperson of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of People’s Republic of China, was asked, by a journalist of Reuters, about the speech of von der Leyen in which she admitted that there is room for that EU and Chin could split the difference – it means to find the “solutions in our mutual interest”. The reporter, continuing his question, asked if the tone of President von der Leyen had dulled a little bit, and if China was considering the intensity of talks and negotiations with Brussels “as the global trade environment becomes more competitive”.

The spokesman for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs admitted in his first words that the current world is increasingly “less stable and certain” and “risks of division, fragmentation and disorder are looming large”, which is why EU-China relations “have more strategic significance and global influence”. In the further part of his answer, he admitted that for China, relations with the European Union are a priority and that it sees the European bloc as “its comprehensive strategic partner and an important and independent pole in the multipolar world.” So firstly – reversing the words of Kaja Kallas (China as a “strategic rival”) and secondly – emphasizing that the current international order is an order in which there are many poles, not just one (in the form of the United States), and that the EU is a fundamental element of this system, which is independent in this case again from the USA. The golden anniversary of EU-China relations is also not without significance for the PRC, because as Lin stated: “We are at a crucial time as the relationship goes into the next chapter.” He further confirmed China’s readiness to cooperate with the EU, thanks to which it would be possible to implement important agreements, strengthen strategic communication, increase trust, expand current cooperation, and cooperate in responding to global challenges, thus transforming the world “into a more stable and certain place”.

Lu Shaye – the new Special Representative for European Affairs

Lu Shaye, the 2019-2025 ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to France, has been appointed China’s special envoy for European affairs. This marks the departure of the first special envoy since the position was established in 2019, Wu Hongbo.

The replacement of Wu by Lu is associated with some controversy, namely Lu himself, who over the last six years in France has become known as a textbook example of a diplomat from the Chinese “wolf warrior” trend. Such diplomacy can be defined in the words of researcher Peter Martin: “Wolf warrior diplomacy has become the shorthand expression for a new, assertive brand of Chinese diplomacy.” He points out that Chinese diplomats before this style “tended to keep a lower profile and to be quite cautious and moderate in the way that they interacted with the outside world. Recently, however, they have become far more strident and assertive—exhibiting behavior that ranges from storming out of an international meeting to shouting at foreign counterparts and even insulting foreign leaders.” The authors of The Diplomat, Duan Xiaolin and Liu Yitong, have compiled a short list of “wolf warriors” that includes also Lu.

But what did Lu do to land on the list? The first controversy was related to his offensive opinions regarding Western countries’ handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. As Elisa Braun of POLITCO writes about the matter, he “defended China’s handling of the health crisis and accused Western democracies of reckless behavior, including allegations that French health care workers left old people to die in nursing homes.” Such words triggered a barrage of criticism from French politicians, which ended with the Chinese ambassador being summoned to a meeting with the then French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean-Yves Le Drian. Secondly, his statement on the sovereignty of the former Soviet Union countries also resonated more widely. During an interview for French television in 2023, Lu stated that post-Soviet states, i.e. those that were once part of the USSR, “don’t have an effective status in international law because there was no international agreement to materialize their status as sovereign countries.” Asked about the issue of Crimea’s statehood, he said that it “depends on how the problem is perceived.” and that “it’s not that simple.” He also added that Crimea “was Russian at the beginning,” without specifying what he meant by “at the beginning.”

On February 6, Guo Jiakun, a spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, spoke to reporters to confirm the South China Morning Post’s report that Lu had been appointed China’s special envoy for European affairs. Guo outlined the new envoy’s responsibilities: “Lu Shaye will assist in coordinating and handling European affairs, and conduct consultations and exchanges with European countries and EU institutions as needed.” Guo also expressed hope that the former Chinese ambassador to France will “promote dialogue and cooperation, and make due contributions to the steady and sound development of China-Europe relations”.

 “Wolf warrior” diplomacy is no longer mainstream for Beijing, but one can suspect that Lu’s selection for this function was not accidental and that at the right moments (for China) the “wolf sense” will eventually manifest itself.

Wang Yi at the Munich Security Conference

The 61st Munich Security Conference took place from 14 to 16 February 2025, and was attended by representatives of many countries and organizations, although the majority were representatives of Euro-Atlantic countries. However, there was no lack of officials from Asia – countries such as Indonesia, Pakistan and also China. And in this case, China is the most interesting from the perspective of our Review.

The Middle Kingdom was represented by Foreign Minister Wang Yi. It is worth quoting his speech at the forum, i.e. the speech entitled “A Steadfast Constructive Force in a Changing World”. The main message of this address was to promote a multipolar world, which is nothing new in the current strategy of the People’s Republic of China. Wang asked whether multipolarity is associated with chaos and conflicts, and at the same time answered on behalf of China: “We should work for an equal and orderly multipolar world. This is another major proposition put forward by President Xi Jinping, and it represents our sincere expectation for a multipolar world. China will surely be a factor of certainty in this multipolar system, and strive to be a steadfast constructive force in a changing world.” The rest of the speech can be divided into four points, which the speaker himself deigned to mention. He stressed the importance of the following issues in relation to multipolarity: first, “to advocate equal treatment,” second, “to respect the international rule of law,” third, “to practice multilateralism,” and fourth, “to pursue openness and mutual benefit.” These themes are further elaborated on in the official readout of Wang’s speech on the Chinese Foreign Ministry website. Below are listed these meetings concerning representatives of the European Union and its member states, along with their characteristics.

  • Wang-Kallas

Kaja Kallas and Wang Yi held bilateral talks, primarily on the state of relations between Brussels and Beijing and the geopolitical situation in the world. Kallas confirmed the European Union’s readiness to continue dialogue and cooperation with China in areas such as trade, economic relations and combating climate change. Importantly, she raised the issue of Russia’s attack on Ukraine – the head of EU diplomacy emphasized how much the Chinese-Russian trade in dual-use goods “fuels the war against Ukraine”. She called on China to stop this practice, noting that such a situation threatens European security, not only Ukraine itself. Wang, for his part, presented China’s position on the Russian-Ukrainian war, or the “Ukrainian crisis”, saying that “China supports all endeavors conducive to peace and backs Europe in playing a significant role in the peace negotiation process.” He added that there are “no fundamental geopolitical conflicts of interest” between Brussels and Beijing, and that China itself stands for multilateralism and supporting the key role of the United Nations in the modern world. He added that there are “no fundamental geopolitical conflicts of interest” between Brussels and Beijing, and that China itself stands for multilateralism and supporting the key role of the United Nations in the modern world. He also made it clear that his country wants to “strengthen strategic communication with the EU, increase mutual understanding and jointly contribute to greater global stability.” The two sides also discussed the upcoming EU-China summit.

  • Wang-Merz

As part of the Munich Security Conference on February 14, Wang Yi met with Friedrich Merz, chairman of the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU). It was a formal meeting during which the courtesies were exchanged. According to the Chinese narrative, Wang emphasized that Germany’s friendly policy towards China is in its national interest and fits into the globalizing international environment. He also presented China’s general plans, including modernization and development. At the same time, he expressed hope that Germany will continue its pragmatic policy based on equal and open dialogue. Wang also noted that China supports a greater role for Germany in global and regional affairs, especially in the context of the unstable international situation. As it follows from his further statement, China is interested in strengthening cooperation and coordination with Germany in order to maintain free trade and promote multilateralism. According to Chinese media, Merz expressed approval of Sino-German cooperation and confirmed its positive nature. During the meeting, the parties also exchanged views on the Russian-Ukrainian war.

  • Wang-Baerbock

On the same day, Wang Yi met with another German official, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock. According to Chinese media, both the form of the meeting and the issues discussed were similar to those discussed during the conversation with Friedrich Merz. Wang emphasized Germany’s important role in the modern world and the positive dynamics and stability of Sino-German relations. He also added that China does not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, while advocating green transformation and sustainable development. He expressed willingness to strengthen cooperation with Germany to jointly face global challenges such as climate change. During the meeting, Wang stated: “Facing the current rise of protectionism, resurgence of Cold War mentality and rampant unilateral bullying, China is willing to strengthen communication and coordination with Germany and other countries to build broad consensus and voice a more unified stance for maintaining international peace and stability.” According to Chinese sources, Baerbock said in response that Germany opposes tariff and trade wars and is ready to work with China to jointly uphold multilateralism and free trade. She also reaffirmed Germany’s interest in strengthening coordination with China on global issues, including green development. The two sides also exchanged views on the crisis in Ukraine and other important international issues.

  • Wang-Scholz

The last meeting with a representative of the German authorities took place on February 15 in Munich, where the Chinese Foreign Minister met with the then German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. During the talks, the Chinese side expressed their willingness to deepen multidimensional cooperation with Germany in order to maintain peace and stability in the world. According to information provided by the Chinese side, Wang expressed his approval of Germany’s actions, which oppose the EU’s tariffs on China. He presented this as a “rational and pragmatic” approach. The Chinese side’s statement emphasized that Germany remains a key partner playing an important role in resolving trade tensions and other disputes between China and the EU. It also emphasized Germany’s stabilizing role in relations between the two sides. The statement also mentioned the need to improve mutual relations between China and the European Union, although the details of this issue were not specified. The meeting also discussed the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

  • Wang-Albares

Another representative of the united Europe bloc that Wang Yi met with was Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares. During the conversation, Wang admitted that China is ready to cooperate with Spain to implement the “important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries” (he referred in this place to the Sanchez-Xi meeting from September last year, which can be read about in the September Review) and to develop bilateral relations. According to the head of Chinese diplomacy, such a situation will bring mutual benefits and also “introduce more stability to Sino-European relations”. He also invited Spanish companies to expand their operations on the Chinese market. He also made it clear that in this turbulent world and the returning “law of the jungle” China and Spain should jointly implement the assumptions of the multilateral international order, and even more: “promote the democratization of international relations, build broad international consensus, and work together toward equal and orderly multipolarity.” In his post on X, Albares wrote: “My Chinese counterpart Wang Yi and I discussed our excellent bilateral relations, multilateralism and the situation in Ukraine.” However, in the context of Ukraine, there was no mention of the ongoing war in that country in the Chinese statement. One suspects that it was included in the statement: “The two sides also exchanged views on issues of common concern.” Albares also wrote in his post that “Spain is cooperating with China in addressing global issues such as the climate crisis and in the framework of the Seville Conference on Financing for Development,” presumably wanting to emphasize the importance of cooperation between Madrid and Beijing.

  • Wang-Barrot

Jean-Noël Barrot, France’s Minister for European and Foreign Affairs, held a conversation with Wang Yi on February 15, on the sidelines of the Munich conference. The talks focused on the war in Ukraine, trade, and regional crises. Barrot, after touching on Ukraine, said that there would be no lasting peace without Ukraine’s and Europe’s involvement in the peace process. To which Wang gave him an account of China’s approach to peace and expressed hope for “steady progress in peace talks based on consensus among all parties and the establishment of a balanced, effective and sustainable European security framework.” In turn, on trade, Barrot stressed “the urgent need to return to a calm relationship between the European Union and China, for everyone’s benefit.” He also raised the burning issue in Paris of China’s anti-dumping investigation into European cognac and brandy. The Chinese Foreign Minister noted that China expects the “EU will uphold open cooperation, support free trade, and work with China in the same direction while accommodating each other’s legitimate concerns.” Additionally, tensions in the Indo-Pacific and the Middle East were raised, including the development of Iran’s nuclear program. According to the Chinese side regarding the conflict in Gaza, “the two sides agreed to strengthen communication and coordination on the Gaza conflict, promote de-escalation, and return to the two-state solution.” Finally, the ministers agreed to maintain in close contact on these issues, especially in view of Barrot’s upcoming visit to China.

  • Wang-Lipavský

Wang Yi met with his Czech counterpart Jan Lipavský on February 15. According to both Chinese and Czech narratives, the meeting discussed international security issues, including the war in Ukraine, Czech cooperation with Taiwan, and aspects of practical cooperation between the two countries. According to the Chinese statement, Minister Wang drew attention to the deterioration of relations between the parties and recommended that the Czech side conduct self-reflection, which would help create new prospects and rebuild mutual trust. He emphasized that respecting China’s fundamental interests and adhering to the principle of “one China” are key to this process. In the Chinese statement, the Ukrainian issue was treated as a secondary topic. The Czech side, on the other hand, reports that the talks focused mainly on the situation in Ukraine. “We discussed global security in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine,” Lipavský said after the meeting. He added: “I clearly emphasized that the Russian invasion would have global consequences that will affect the entire world.” In addition, the Czech minister noted that he raised with Wang the issues of practical cooperation between the Czech Republic and China, including the effects of the introduction of American tariffs on world trade. He also emphasized that during the conversation he presented the Czech position on relations with Taiwan, noting that Prague is developing economic, cultural, and scientific and technical cooperation with Taipei.

  • Wang-Schallenberg

On the evening of February 15, on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference, a meeting was held between Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Austrian Provisional Chancellor and Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg. The diplomats’ talks focused on international security issues. Wang noted that “the world is currently facing overlapping security challenges and economic threats, with intertwined factors of instability and uncertainty.” He also emphasized that Austria, as a permanently neutral country, has long played the role of a “bridge builder” and mediator in international affairs. The Chinese minister highlighted that China is ready to work with Austria to jointly promote multilateralism, maintain the authority of the UN, defend the international legal order, and oppose unilateral actions based on intimidation. Schallenberg said that Austria and China respect each other and have close cooperation on both bilateral and multilateral issues. He added that Austria values ​​its relations with China and seeks to strengthen dialogue and develop cooperation. Moreover, he stated that the “disintegration of supply chains and the severance of cooperation” are not in the interests of either side, emphasizing that only open cooperation can lead to development and prosperity. The Chinese statement said that during the meeting, the sides also exchanged views on the situation in the Middle East and other current international issues.

Wang Yi in Ireland

After attending the Munich Security Conference, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi continued his journey to the Irish capital and met with Simon Harris, the Tánaiste (Deputy Prime Minister), Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Minister of Defence of Ireland. According to the Irish statement, the interlocutors exchanged views on bilateral relations, EU-China relations, multilateral engagement, and regional and international issues. It is worth adding here that in January last year, a similar visit by a Chinese representative took place in Dublin – Chinese Prime Minister Li Qiang met with the then Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Leo Varadkar. This meeting – as can be read from the Chinese note – was also referred to by Wang, saying that his country is ready to deepen cooperation with Ireland “to implement the consensus reached by their leaders and to be partners based on mutual trust, respect and support.” Harris, for his part, stressed that “the relationship with China is one that we value”.

The Irish Deputy Prime Minister admitted that Ireland is interested in maintaining comprehensive economic relations with China, emphasizing the need for transparency, fair rules and a level playing field in such relations. The Chinese statement indicated that Ireland “opposes decoupling”. Furthermore, Harris was supposed to raise the issue of allowing Irish beef to resume access to China. However, the Chinese side did not share the same information in its statement. This thread concerns the temporary ban on Irish beef shipments to China (and South Korea) due to the detection of an unusual case of bovine spongiform encephalopathy in one of the Irish cows.

Harris continued his conversation by expressing his hope that, as the EU celebrates 50 years of relations with the People’s Republic of China that “further progress can be made on issues such as digital, trade, the environment, human rights and other topics, as building blocks towards a substantial EU-China Summit this year.” And Wang expressed a similar tone, saying that “China and Ireland should cherish and build on the successful experience of China-EU relations over the past decades.” Similarly, both sides agreed on the issue of multipolarism in the modern world, with Harris stressing the importance of the United Nations institutions for Ireland’s foreign policy. Wang also said that China stands with the UN to uphold its authority to protect prevailing international legal norms, oppose unilateralism and reject the resurgent “law of the jungle”.

The Tánaiste also raised an uncomfortable human rights issue for the PRC. He expressed his country’s concerns about Hong Kong’s national security law and Beijing’s approach to minorities in Xinjiang (and beyond). Predictably, the Chinese side made no reference to this in their message.

The next topics discussed were the situation in Ukraine and the Middle East. Harris asked China to “use its influence on Russia to end their illegal invasion of Ukraine.” He added: “Any peaceful solution to the war in Ukraine must be based on the UN Charter and must respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. There can be no discussion about the future of Ukraine, without Ukraine.” Wang, for his part, confirmed that China supports efforts to conclude a peace that would be acceptable to both sides. Furthermore, he emphasized that the EU is of particular importance in the peace process and in shaping a new security architecture in the region. As for the issue of the conflict in Palestine, both sides agreed on the need for a ceasefire and adherence to the agreement on the release of hostages, as well as ensuring continued humanitarian aid for Gaza.

The Irish Deputy Prime Minister summed up his meeting with the head of Chinese diplomacy in the following way: “Our meeting today underlined again the essential role and value of diplomacy in discussing both areas of cooperation, and issues on which we disagree”.

Spain calls for forging independent China strategy by EU

Jose Manuel Albare, Spanish minister of foreign affairs, said in the interview for the Financial Times that European Union should rely on itself in the context of making the strategy on the People’s Republic of China, and not just passively follow the confrontative approach of the United States – at this moment with Donald Trump as a leader. In his opinion “Europe must take its own decisions, on its own. And we have to decide when China can be a partner and when China is a competitor.” The above words can be related to the concept of Macron’s strategic autonomy which the President of France tries to propagate on the European political stage for some years. Nevertheless, Albares highlighted further that “we can have certainly a dialogue with the country that I think is our natural ally, the United States. But Europe must take its own decisions.” In the words of the Spanish head of diplomacy can be found the reflection of tense relations between Brussels and Trump’s administration. That’s why in his view EU should afford more freedom on the choice of maybe not allies and rivals but essentially partners what confirm further words of Albares: “When China can be a partner — let’s take advantage of that. […] When we can be a competitor, we have to protect our citizens and our industry.”

So, a lot also depends on China – whether they want to be a partner that the European Union also wants. Brussels sets conditions that China may not necessarily like, as can be seen in the context of Beijing subsidizing Chinese companies. If China does not want to play by the EU’s rules, an agreement will be harder to achieve, but Brussels’s determination may soften due to Washington’s offensive. According to Katja Bego of Chatham House, Trump’s approach is pushing the European Union towards the Chinese. In turn, the Europeans themselves could benefit from this by formulating a more independent strategy, but there is no shortage of risk here. As Bego notes, the leaders of the member states themselves – as in this case Albares – „will see an opportunity to signal closer ties with China as leverage to secure continued commitments from the US”.

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Mikołaj Woźniak Mikołaj Woźniak. Graduated in international relations from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan. His research interests revolve around the foreign policy of contemporary powers, their impact on current international relations and the development of the international system after the end of the Cold War.

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Mikołaj Woźniak Mikołaj Woźniak. Graduated in international relations from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan. His research interests revolve around the foreign policy of contemporary powers, their impact on current international relations and the development of the international system after the end of the Cold War.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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