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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Aug 14
China, European Union, Indo-Pacific, Publications

EU-China Affairs Review July 2024

August 14, 2024

Mikołaj Woźniak, Konrad Falkowski

EU imposes tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles

As announced, so it was done. Less than a month has passed since the European Commission announced its intention to impose temporary countervailing duties on electric cars of Chinese origin. The previous “Review” discussed this topic extensively (we encourage you to read it). July 5 was the day when the announcements finally came into force. However, there were some changes.

In a press release, the European Commission reiterated that the “provisional countervailing duties on imports of battery electric vehicles (BEVs) from China.” The reason for this turn of events is the result of a nine-month investigation, according to which Chinese companies benefit from “unfair subsidisation,” which in turn poses “a threat of economic injury to EU BEV producers.” The press release further states that the European Union held extensive consultations with the Chinese side. This can be seen as one of the reasons why the value of the duties was slightly reduced, especially since the press release itself states that: “Compared to the rates pre-disclosed on 12 June 2024, provisional duties were adjusted slightly downwards based on comments on the accuracy of the calculations submitted by interested parties.” However, it should be clearly noted here that “slightly” must be interpreted literally, as this reduction oscillates between 0.1% and 0.5%.

So, as far as the Chinese companies listed by name are concerned, there have been no changes here. Exactly as stated in the announcement of June 12, individual duties are falling on three Chinese producers: BYD, Geely and SAIC. In turn, the value of these duties is as follows: BYD – 17.4% (here there was no change), Geely – 19.9% ​​(down 0.1%) and SAIC – 37.6% (down 0.5%). In addition, other Chinese producers who have cooperated in the EU investigation are only burdened with a weighted average duty rate of 20.8% (down 0.2%). Companies that have not accepted the offer of cooperation are in a worse situation. The rate of countervailing duties on them is the same as in the case of SAIC – 37.6% (here a similar decrease of 0.5%).

The press release was issued on July 4, but as mentioned above, provisional countervailing duties are in force from the following day, July 5. They are set to last for a maximum of four months. This period is set for EU countries to decide on definitive duties. Such duties will in turn be in force for five years.

The government in Beijing reacted briefly to the whole situation, which is understandable, because a month earlier China clearly expressed its position. Asked about the matter during her regular press conference, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning responded as follows: “China has expressed strong opposition more than once to the EU’s anti-subsidy investigation on China’s electric vehicles. We believe that specific trade issues should be resolved properly through dialogue and consultation.” She also implied, without saying so, that Brussels should expect retaliation from Beijing: “China will also take necessary measures to firmly safeguard its legitimate rights and interests”.

As you can see, the collision course is still going strong when it comes to EU-PRC relations. The EU is increasingly trying to become independent from the Chinese economy, which is why all actions of the European Commission should be read through the prism of politics. The re-election of Ursula von der Leyen only confirms that this course will be maintained and even deepened, which is also confirmed by analysts from the Polish Institute of International Affairs Marcin Przychodniak and Piotr Dzierżanowski: ” The re-election of Ursula von der Leyen as EC president should mean a continuation of the strong policy towards China, above all in the industrial sector.”

Viktor Orbán’s “peace mission” – visit to China and criticism in Europe.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s visit to Beijing on July 8 was – according to Chinese media reports – the third stage of the “peace mission” he initiated. The aim of this initiative, according to the Hungarian side, was to create a diplomatic platform that could lead to a resolution of the crisis caused by the Russian-Ukrainian war. Orbán’s conversation with Xi Jinping took place the day before the NATO summit in Washington, where US President Joe Biden hosted the alliance leaders to discuss key issues and gather further support for the defense of Ukraine.

Orbán praised China for its key role “in creating conditions for achieving peace in the Russia-Ukraine war,” which he said was the reason for his meeting with Xi, coming just two months after the Chinese leader’s visit to Budapest, which can be read more about in the May issue of the “Review”. During the meeting, Orbán countered growing concerns in Europe about threats from Beijing and moved to elevate Hungary-China relations. In response, Xi praised the development of Hungarian-China relations and expressed his hope that Hungary would play an active role in promoting the “healthy and stable” development of China-EU relations during its presidency of the EU Council.

Orbán’s initiative coincided with Hungary taking over the six-month presidency of the EU Council. Before his visit to China, after only five days as president, Orbán visited Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, whom he asked to consider a ceasefire in order to speed up peace talks. Zelensky rejected the offer.

The next stage of Orbán’s initiative was a trip to Moscow, where he met with Russian President Vladimir Putin. This was the first meeting between an EU leader and Putin in Moscow since April 2022, just two months after the invasion of Ukraine began. Putin considered the talks with Orbán useful, but accused Ukraine of not wanting to end the ongoing war. The President of the Russian Federation reiterated his proposals to end the conflict, which had previously been rejected by the Ukrainian side. According to Kyiv, these conditions, including abandoning aspirations to join NATO and giving up four provinces, are unacceptable. Ukraine points to its 10-point peace plan as the only realistic path to ending the war.

The intentions and form of the initiative have raised concerns among EU leaders. Orbán took an action despite the lack of support from the European Commission and Ukraine. His previous opposition to Western military aid to Kyiv and his close relationship with Putin have been met with criticism, both in Hungary and across the EU. The Hungarian government has long advocated an immediate ceasefire and peace negotiations in the conflict in Ukraine, but has been vague about what such action would mean for Ukraine’s territorial integrity and future security. Orbán, who maintained close ties with Moscow even after the full-scale invasion in February 2022, has faced accusations, including from the leaders of Lithuania and Estonia, of undermining Hungary’s EU presidency and promoting Budapest’s interests at the expense of European unity. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has accused Orbán of trying to placate the Russian leader. Zelensky, however, stated that Orbán cannot play the role of a mediator because – in his opinion – only world powers can do so.

China is accused of close ties to Russia. The U.S. administration says China is helping Russia build up its defense industry to the point where Moscow is embarking on its most ambitious expansion of military production since the Soviet era. Chinese support includes significant amounts of machine tools, drone and turbojet engines, cruise missile technology, microelectronics, and nitrocellulose, which Russia uses to make weapons fuel. In addition, China is promoting a Russian-backed six-point peace plan unveiled in Brazil in May. The plan calls for an international peace conference “at the appropriate time” and calls for equal participation by Ukraine and Russia.

China announces investigation into EU tariffs

Expectations for a more forceful response from Beijing did not last long. On July 10, the Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China issued a statement from which it can be learnt that from that very day it will conduct “investigations on barriers to trade and investment in relation to relevant practices adopted in the investigation into the EU Regulation on Foreign Subsidies”.

According to the statement, the Chinese investigation was initiated based on a formal request submitted by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, concerning the import and export of machinery and electronic products. The ministry further specified that the main products in question were railway locomotives, photovoltaic cells, wind turbines and safety equipment. In order to carry out this investigation, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce will use appropriate questionnaires, interviews, inspections and other methods that are useful in obtaining information. A day later, ministry spokeswoman He Yongqian added at a press conference on the matter that all investigation methods will be carried out “in accordance with the law” and the ministry will ” widely solicit opinions to ensure that the investigation is fair, impartial, open and transparent.”

The Chinese expect the duration of this investigation to last until January 10, 2025, reserving the right to extend this time “under special circumstances” by another four months, i.e. until April 10, 2025.

It can be expected that the exchange of blows will occur more and more often in the near future, because there is no indication that either side intends to give up in this confrontation, especially the European Union, which, in accordance with the concept of “de-risking”, will strive to become increasingly independent from China and its economy. A good example of implementing this approach in a non-confrontational way is the EU’s desire to deepen economic relations in the field of critical raw materials supplies with ASEAN countries.

Ursula von der Leyen hits Beijing’s soft spot

July 18 was the day Ursula von der Leyen took over as President of the European Commission for the second time. The European Parliament elected her by 401 votes to 284, with 22 blank or invalid votes. Von der Leyen’s victory is not surprising in itself. And her approach to China during the next five years will be just as predictable. This situation can be described as “continuing on a collision course”.

In her 30-page manifesto entitled “Europe’s Choice”, the President of the European Commission addresses flagship issues for the European Union, such as security in connection with the war in Ukraine and green economic transformation, but due to the tense relations between Brussels and Beijing, the issue of China has not been omitted.

Von der Leyen, writing about China, raised two issues. The first was reducing Europe’s dependence on the Chinese economy – the famous “de-risking” policy: ” We have seen first-hand the dangers of dependencies or fraying supply chains – from medical products in the pandemic to Putin’s energy blackmail or China’s monopoly on raw materials essential for batteries or chips.” However, this can be considered a foretaste, because the second issue is a much more sensitive point for the Chinese. Von der Leyen mentions the Indo-Pacific as one of the regions with which the EU should cooperate and deepen relations. The blow to China was meant to be a statement that the EU, together with regional allies such as Japan, Australia and New Zealand, should work hard to counter challenges posed by the PRC, and most importantly, the EU and allies should prevent China from taking over Taiwan: “Similarly, we will work with Japan, Korea, New Zealand and Australia with whom we face common challenges in cyber, space and in the secure supply of critical minerals and technologies. This includes our collective efforts to deploy the full range of our combined statecraft to deter China from unilaterally changing the status quo by military means, particularly over Taiwan.” Von der Leyen also lists the deepening alliance between Russia and China in the form of a “no-limits friendship” as a matter of concern, and the related increases in military spending by both countries, which are many times higher than that of the EU: To put this into perspective, combined EU spending on defence from 1999 to 2021 increased by 20%. In that time, Russia’s defence spending increased by almost 300% and China’s by almost 600%.” The final sentence adds a comment to this issue that clearly suggests the direction in which Von der Leyen wants to lead the EU over the next five years: “We must change this.”

The references to China and Taiwan have not gone unnoticed. Both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) have expressed their views on the matter. Wang Lutong, Director General of European Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, has expressed criticism of the political guidelines presented by Von der Leyen for the European Commission. He stated that they constituted “interference into China’s internal affair.” He further used the phrase that “playing with fire on Taiwan is highly dangerous”, which could be taken as a threat or a very strong suggestion. At the very end of his post, he shared the advice that “meddling and even trying to join forces is by no means a right choice for Europe.” In more measured words, Cui Hongjian (Beijing Foreign Studies University) spoke in the Global Times. He stated that Von der Leyen’s position has not changed and remains “tough” on China. He also noted that “we can see that she still places more emphasis on competition and confrontation with China instead of cooperation.” In addition, according to Zhao Junjie (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences), the dynamics of Sino-European relations are influenced (implicitly negatively) by the United States. In his post on X, President of the Republic of China Lai Ching-te congratulated Von der Leyen on her re-election, appreciated her desire to maintain peace in the Taiwan Strait, and expressed his hopes for strengthening Taiwan-EU relations, which are “built on our shared commitment to human rights and democracy.”

The collision course has been maintained, and there is no sign of change on the horizon. Electric vehicle tariffs, the raising of the Taiwan issue, the Sino-Russian alliance – the situation can be expected to continue to escalate, as it is doubtful that either side will compromise its own arguments.

Meloni in China

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s long-awaited visit to China has finally moved beyond the announcement zone. Meloni visited Beijing from July 28 to 31. The trip to the People’s Republic of China is the culmination of the process of resetting Italian-Chinese relations since the country’s exit from China’s Belt and Road Initiative in 2023. There has been talk of a reset for a long time – confirmation of this is, for example, the April Italian-Chinese economic event, which we wrote about a few months ago in the “Review”. The Italian leader herself, speaking about her visit to the Middle Kingdom, stated that it was “a demonstration of the will to begin a new phase, to relaunch our bilateral cooperation.”

At the very beginning, as an aperitivo before the main course, which was to be a meeting with President Xi Jinping, the Chinese served Meloni a conversation with the Premier of the People’s Republic of China, Li Qiang. During the exchange of views, many words were said about the fruitful cooperation between the two countries, especially from the perspective of the 20th anniversary of the conclusion of the agreement on a comprehensive strategic partnership. Additionally, the fact of the 700th anniversary of the death of Marco Polo – the medieval traveler and liaison between Italy and China – was highlighted. Both sides confirmed that this event is a good opportunity to deepen bilateral relations in various fields. The topic of Marco Polo was also raised on July 29 during the speech of the Italian Prime Minister, which she gave as part of the inauguration of the exhibition entitled ” A journey of knowledge. The Travels of Marco Polo and its legacy between East and West” at the World Art Museum in Beijing. Moreover, together with her Chinese counterpart, Meloni participated in the Italian-Chinese Business Forum, which took place in Beijing. There, she also spoke at the beginning of the event, which was attended by over 100 Italian and Chinese companies and trade associations. The result of the talks with Chinese premier is the signed “Action Plan to Strengthen the China-Italy Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (2024-2027)”. As Meloni herself admitted, this is to be “experiment new forms of cooperation.”

On July 29, talks between Meloni and Xi took place. According to an official Italian government statement, the development of cooperation was once again raised “in the context of the 20th anniversary of the global strategic partnership” – the importance of “balanced, mutually beneficial cooperation based on mutual trust” was emphasized here. Similar accents were highlighted in the announcement issued by the Chinese government. Xi emphasized the importance of the ancient Silk Road, which once connected China with Europe, and thus with Italy. “China and Italy should uphold and promote the Silk Road spirit” – these words could be seen as China’s encouragement to return Italy to the bosom of the New Silk Road. Nevertheless, the most important topics of the talks should be considered global problems such as the war in Ukraine, the escalation of tensions in the Middle East, and also in the Indo-Pacific – the Italian statement described this as the interlocutors moving to discussing “the priorities of the international agenda”. In addressing these issues, the Italian head of government described the People’s Republic of China as a “very important interlocutor” in solving global problems: “There is growing insecurity at an international level and I think that China is inevitably a very important interlocutor to address all these dynamics.” This is a nod to Xi, primarily concerning the resolution of the war in Ukraine. European leaders have repeatedly tried to convince the Chinese leader that his country’s role in this matter is significant – first of all, the possibility of putting pressure on Vladimir Putin to end military operations in Ukraine.

For his part, the Chinese leader stressed that mutual benefits from common relations can only be achieved by ” upholding openness and cooperation in global industrial and supply chains”. He stressed that development based on peace is the most important thing for China and that his country “never seeks hegemony”. In doing so, he also expressed his hope that Italy ” understands and supports China’s development philosophy”, thanks to which Italy could play a positive role in stabilizing relations between the European Union and China. The Chinese statement also stated (which was not included in the Italian one) that Meloni confirms her country’s adherence to the “one China” policy and that Italy opposes “decoupling”, i.e. the economic separation of Europe from China. In addition, it does not support protectionism and expresses its readiness to improve relations between Brussels and Beijing.

There are many inaccuracies in these words, for example in the matter of rejecting protectionism, while Italy supports imposing sanctions on Chinese electric vehicles. The Italians have identified themselves as those who will support the European Commission’s proposal to impose these tariffs. On the other hand, Meloni knows that it is impossible to go to all-out war with China, which is why she is trying to find opportunities for cooperation or a “new start”. This start would be beneficial primarily for Italian companies in China, and would also attract Chinese investors to Italy: “Today, Italian investment in China is about three times as much as Chinese investment in Italy. […] We clearly want to work to remove obstacles for our products to access the Chinese market.” Individual EU countries will strive to reduce the restrictive approach of the Union through their own actions, while at the same time expressing more or less clear support for this approach – this, one could say, “European duality” will characterize EU-China relations for the foreseeable future.

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Konrad Falkowski

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Konrad Falkowski
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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Latest publications

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
    by Mikołaj Woźniak
    February 16, 2026
  • Russia Affairs Review January 2026
    by Ksawery Stawiński
    February 16, 2026
  • Overview of Events in the Middle East – December 2025
    by Kasjusz Matyjasek
    January 31, 2026

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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