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Jan 17
Coronavirus, Femicide, Human rights, Latin America, Law, Publications

Femicide as a Human Rights Issue – the Case of Latin America

January 17, 2022
Femicide as a Human Rights Issue – the Case of Latin AmericaDownload

Key points

– The increasing rates of femicides are a burning human rights issue, recognised as a “shadow pandemic.”

– Latin America is an undisputed leader in tackling the issue due to an extensive regional and national anti-femicide legislation.

– However, the failure to address the structural causes, the inconsistency of the legislation across the region and lack of universal statistical methodology perpetuate the impunity gap at the heart of such legislation.

Introduction

Alongside the ongoing COVID-19 crisis, another pandemic is unfolding – the pandemic of femicides and gender-based violence against women and girls. This “shadow pandemic,” as the United Nations system calls it, is often overlooked globally despite being a burning human rights issue. As estimated by the World Health Organisation (WHO), 736 million women – which equates to almost one in three – have been subject to intimate partner violence, non-partner sexual violence, or both at least once in their life.[1] The situation has been exacerbated by the social isolation measures introduced by many states as a result of the coronavirus pandemic. The phenomenon of femicide is globally recognized as the most extreme form of the streak of violence against women and girls. A term popularized by Diana E. H. Russel, it can be defined as “the killing of females by males because they are female.”[2] As the author herself notes, the word bears a conceptual value as a tool that “specifically points to and politicises the sexist, patriarchal, misogynistic killing of women and girls by men.”[3] This way, the term addresses not only the symptoms – the growing numbers of women murdered at the hands of men – but it also hints at the underlying causes rooted in structural dynamics of patriarchy which are embedded in the institutions of the police, state and international system as a whole.

The effectiveness of the term in politicising the murder of women, because they are women, is especially palpable in the case of Latin America. The feminists there were among the first ones to adopt the term femicidio to describe the female homicides in Ciudad Juárez in Mexico where more than 370 women have been killed between 1993 and 2005.[4] Since then, the use of the term’s mobilising potential to organise anti-femicide groups has spread to the rest of the continent, as the region has experienced at least 4,091 femicides in 2020 alone.[5] While some progress in national legislations of the Latin American countries has been made, the mobilisation of the civil society generated even louder calls for systematic governmental action and victim-centred media coverage. Thus, bearing this context in mind, this paper aims to take a closer look at the issue of femicides in Latin America and the steps that have been undertaken to tackle it. After a brief overview of the subject in different parts of the continent, it will focus on the legislative measures that have been introduced on national and regional levels and the extent to which they have been successful in protecting the lives of women and girls. By concluding the article with recommendations, it is aimed to highlight the progress that Latin American legislation has made in comparison to the rest of the world while also pointing out the room for improvement in the future.

The extent of femicide in Latin America

A precise characterisation of this complex crime is essential to fully grasp its extent and effectively fight the perpetual impunity. In the 2012 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its causes and consequences, femicides are divided into active and direct, as opposed to passive and indirect.[6] A very similar typology has been identified in the Latin American experience according to the Latin American Protocol for Investigation of Femicide – namely, it recognises that femicide can be intimate or non-intimate; systemic and sexual; transphobic, lesbophobic and racist. Additionally, it can happen due to association/connection; due to prostitution or stigmatised occupations; because of trafficking or smuggling; and due to female genital mutilation.[7] This classification demonstrates the variety of contexts in which the occurrence of femicides has been recorded, which emphasises its prevalence on the continent.

Notably, the modalities of the crime point to its root causes which are embedded within the historical and socio-economic context of Latin American development. The acts of femicide are often linked to the legacy of abuse and impunity left by the terror of military governments, death squads, and civil wars – especially in terms of the widespread acceptance of gendered violence. Nevertheless, the phenomenon is also tightly connected to the continuing ubiquity of patriarchal norms, normalisation of misogyny, and assumptions about the role of women in society which view them as a male possession and presume the disposability of female lives.[8] The machista cultural attitudes are an expression of the unequal relations of power between men and women – “a mechanism of control and domination, discrimination against women, and a display of deeply entrenched sexism.”[9] Thus, while femicides are often related to domestic abuse, other contributing factors to the growing rates of gendered violence consist of organized crime, gang violence and related acts of vengeance that can be viewed as forms of sexist and misogynist cleansing.[10]

In assessing the extent of femicide in Latin America it must be noted that there is a notorious issue with underreporting, mischaracterization, and data transparency which result in many killings of women which are not accounted for. As reported by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), “femicide is one of the areas where the information void is most apparent” as “in some countries where it is a crime, information on aggravated homicide or femicide is not processed.”[11] For instance, while it is estimated that 12 women are murdered a day across the region, that does not include Brazil, a country with one of the worst records of gender-based violence, due to data limitations.[12] The lack of accurate information constitutes one of the main challenges in effectively tailoring the legislation to respond to the issue of femicides and prevent it from happening. Therefore, comprehensive cross-regional research is crucial to comprehend the nature, extent, social context, and circumstances of recurring murders of women.

National and regional legislation

The above considerations are crucial in order to critically examine the legal and criminal justice responses to femicide across Latin America. The primary action undertaken in face of growing cases of femicide was to ratify the first and only regional instrument aimed at combating violence against women, the Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Punish and Eradicate Violence Against Women (the Belém do Pará Convention), in 1994.[13] This constitutes a major commitment to amending national legal frameworks to respond to cases of extreme violence against women. The role of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights was also crucial in demonstrating the centrality of eradicating femicides in the broader human rights mission. More specifically, the watershed Gonzalez v. Mexico case (“Cotton Field” case) became the point of departure for the Court’s commitment to highlighting the state obligation to protect the right of women to live free from violence.[14]

The regional legislation has been gradually translated into reforms in national criminal justice systems in an attempt to effectively address the phenomenon of femicides. As a result, all Latin American countries (except Cuba and Haiti) have approved laws that penalise femicide, and thirteen of them have also introduced a comprehensive law against violence.[15] Moreover, the Criminal Codes of twelve of these countries include the crime of femicide.[16] All of these states utilise the term “femicide” to properly address the crime of killing women due to their gender. This is crucial as only a few states outside the region employ the term in any legal capacity. Latin America is a pioneer in this sense, paving the way for the horizontal expansion of this concept and acknowledging its misogynistic nature.

Nevertheless, an impunity gap persists at the heart of anti-femicide legislation leading many to state that the current femicide laws in their current do not seem to significantly reduce female homicide rates in Latin America.[17] Two main factors behind that trend can be identified: the failure to address the structural causes and the inconsistency of the legislation across the region. Firstly, the countries that criminalise femicide without implementing comprehensive laws countering gender-based violence do not provide provisions for prevention, protection, investigation of the crime, and reparation for the victims.[18] This then evinces itself through public officials, police officers, prosecutors and judges who lack proper training and are easily influenced by the omnipresent patriarchal structures. This bias can influence the outcome of legal processes, thereby limiting women’s access to justice and creating a context of permanent impunity.[19] Secondly, the lack of a common legal definition of the crime dictates drastically different approaches to the issue across the continent. The main contentions concern the relationship status between the victim and the perpetrator – some states, such as Mexico, classify a crime as femicide only when it involved sexual abuse or when the perpetrator is related to the victim.[20]

The case of Guatemala aptly illustrates the contrast between the existing legislation and its implementation. The Guatemalan Congress passed the Law Against Femicide and Other Forms of Violence Against Women in Guatemala and incorporated the concept of femicide in its constitution in April 2008. Moreover, the Guatemalan framework included a broad definition of femicide which acknowledged the context of unequal power relations between men and women which made it the most comprehensive example of femicide law in Latin America.[21] Among other efforts, this resulted in creating new government units to work on cases of femicide, as well as an anti-femicide division of the National Police. Nevertheless, the success of these reforms has been mixed. Evidence indicates that not enough budget has been allocated to the Attorney General’s Office for these units and very few perpetrators of femicide have been sentenced; Guatemala has also witnessed 159 femicides in 2021 only, indicating the continuation of the streak of violence.[22] Moreover, the new framework does not successfully deal with the legacy of violence against indigenous women stemming back to colonial times. Up until 2006, the Guatemalan Penal Code granted immunity to perpetrators of sexual violence and kidnapping of women and girls, where the perpetrator married the victim.[23] Therefore, despite introducing a truly progressive framework, Guatemalan reforms are insufficient to deal with years of state-endorsed impunity.

Conclusions and recommendations

Latin America remains an undisputed leader in anti-femicide legislation. As of November 2021, it is the region with the highest number of regulations addressing violence against women out of the 52 countries which integrated a gender-sensitive lens into their COVID-19 response plans.[24] Nevertheless, passing such laws is not synonymous with their enforcement and implementation; they also often fall short of the international standards and recommendations. The necessary steps to close the impunity gaps must involve a close cooperation between Latin American countries in producing impartial and independent investigations into the murders of women. A cross-regional action is essential to gather relevant and useful data which can act as a basis for effective legislation. Such initiatives are already underway, as demonstrated by the Femicide Watch Initiative[25] and the CEPAL registration system for femicides announced in November 2019.[26] However, active support and participation of the federal governments in these international projects are essential to conduct comprehensive and transparent investigations into murders of women because of their gender.

Bibliography

Amnesty International Report AMR 41/007/2005, “Mexico: Justice fails in Ciudad Juarez and the city of Chihuahua,” Amnesty International, 28 February 2005, Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr41/007/2005/en/.

Deus, A. and Diana, G. (2018). “Analysis of femicide/feminicide legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean and a proposal for a model law.” MESCEVI and UN Women, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2018/12/analisis-legislacion-feminicidio-femicidio-modelo-de-ley.

ECLAC Press Release, “At Least 4,091 Women Were Victims of Femicide in 2020 in Latin America and the Caribbean, Despite Greater Visibility and Social Condemnation,” ECLAC, 24 November 2021, Available at: https://www.cepal.org/en/pressreleases/eclac-least-4091-women-were-victims-femicide-2020-latin-america-and-caribbean-despite.

ECLAC, “Annual Report 2013-2014. Confronting violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean” (LC/G.2626), ECLAC 2014, Available at: https://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/37271/4/S1500498_en.pdf.

ELLA Policy Brief, “Building legal frameworks to address femicide in Latin America,” ELLA 2013, Available at: http://ella.practicalaction.org/knowledge-brief/building-legal-frameworks-to-address-femicide-in-latin-america/.

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. “Access to Justice for Women Victims of Violence in the Americas.” Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2007, Available at: http://www.cidh.org/women/access07/chap1.htm.

Joseph, J. (2017). “Victims of Femicide in Latin America: Legal and Criminal Justice Responses.” TEMIDA Vol.20: Issue 1, pp.3-21.

La Razón de México, “Reporta Cepal tres mil 529 feminicidios en América Latina y el Caribe en 2018,” La Razón de México, 25 November 2019, Available at: https://www.razon.com.mx/mundo/reporta-cepal-tres-mil-529-feminicidios-en-america-latina-y-el-caribe-en-2018/.

Manjoo, R. (2012). “Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences.” A/HRC/20/16. UN General Assembly Human Rights Council, 23 May 2012.

Russell, D. E. H. (2021). “My Years Campaigning for the Term Femicide.” Dignity: A Journal of Analysis or Exploitation and Violence Vol.6: Iss.5, Article 6.

Sosa, L. (2017). “Inter-American case law on femicide: Obscuring intersections?” Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, Vol. 35: Issue 2, pp.85-103.

UN OHCHR Regional Office for Central America, “Latin American Model Protocol for the investigation of gender-related killings of women (femicide/feminicide),” OHCHR 2014, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2014/10/modeo-de-protocolo.

UN OHCHR, “Femicide Watch Initiative,” OHCHR 2020, Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/women/srwomen/pages/femicidewatch.aspx.

UNDP Data, “COVID-19 Global Gender Response Tracker,” UNDP 2021, Available at: https://data.undp.org/gendertracker/. 

WHO News, “Devastatingly pervasive: 1 in 3 women globally experience violence,” World Health Organisation, 9 March 2021, Available at: https://www.who.int/news/item/09-03-2021-devastatingly-pervasive-1-in-3-women-globally-experience-violence.

Yagoub, M. (2016). “Why Does Latin America Have the World‘s Highest Female Murder Rates?” InSight Crime: Investigation and Analysis of Organized Crime. Available at: https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/why-does-latin-america-have-the-world-s-highest-female-murder-rates/.


[1] WHO News, “Devastatingly pervasive: 1 in 3 women globally experience violence,” World Health Organisation, 9 March 2021, Available at: https://www.who.int/news/item/09-03-2021-devastatingly-pervasive-1-in-3-women-globally-experience-violence.

[2] Russell, D. E. H. (2021). “My Years Campaigning for the Term Femicide.” Dignity: A Journal of Analysis or Exploitation and Violence Vol.6: Iss.5, Article 6.

[3] Ibidem.

[4] Amnesty International Report AMR 41/007/2005, “Mexico: Justice fails in Ciudad Juarez and the city of Chihuahua,” Amnesty International, 28 February 2005, Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr41/007/2005/en/.

[5] ECLAC Press Release, “At Least 4,091 Women Were Victims of Femicide in 2020 in Latin America and the Caribbean, Despite Greater Visibility and Social Condemnation,” ECLAC, 24 November 2021, Available at: https://www.cepal.org/en/pressreleases/eclac-least-4091-women-were-victims-femicide-2020-latin-america-and-caribbean-despite.

[6] Manjoo, R. (2012). “Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences.” A/HRC/20/16. UN General Assembly Human Rights Council, 23 May 2012.

[7] UN OHCHR Regional Office for Central America, “Latin American Model Protocol for the investigation of gender-related killings of women (femicide/feminicide),” OHCHR 2014, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2014/10/modelo-de-protocolo.

[8] Joseph, J. (2017). “Victims of Femicide in Latin America: Legal and Criminal Justice Responses.” TEMIDA Vol.20: Issue 1, pp.3-21.

[9] Ibidem.

[10] Yagoub, M. (2016). “Why Does Latin America Have the World‘s Highest Female Murder Rates?” InSight Crime: Investigation and Analysis of Organized Crime. Available at: https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/why-does-latin-america-have-the-world-s-highest-female-murder-rates/.

[11] ECLAC, “Annual Report 2013-2014. Confronting violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean” (LC/G.2626), ECLAC 2014, Available at: https://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/37271/4/S1500498_en.pdf.

[12] Ibidem.

[13] ELLA Policy Brief, “Building legal frameworks to address femicide in Latin America,” ELLA 2013, Available at: http://ella.practicalaction.org/knowledge-brief/building-legal-frameworks-to-address-femicide-in-latin-america/.

[14] Sosa, L. (2017). “Inter-American case law on femicide: Obscuring intersections?” Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, Vol. 35: Issue 2, pp.85-103.

[15] Deus, A. and Diana, G. (2018). “Analysis of femicide/feminicide legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean and a proposal for a model law.” MESCEVI and UN Women, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2018/12/analisis-legislacion-feminicidio-femicidio-modelo-de-ley.

[16] Deus, A. and Diana, G. (2018). “Analysis of femicide/feminicide legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean and a proposal for a model law.” MESCEVI and UN Women, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2018/12/analisis-legislacion-feminicidio-femicidio-modelo-de-ley.

[17] Joseph, J. (2017). Op. cit.

[18] Deus, A. and Diana, G. (2018). “Analysis of femicide/feminicide legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean and a proposal for a model law.” MESCEVI and UN Women, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2018/12/analisis-legislacion-feminicidio-femicidio-modelo-de-ley.

[19] Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. “Access to Justice for Women Victims of Violence in the Americas.” Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2007, Available at: http://www.cidh.org/women/access07/chap1.htm. 

[20] Deus, A. and Diana, G. (2018). “Analysis of femicide/feminicide legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean and a proposal for a model law.” MESCEVI and UN Women, Available at: https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2018/12/analisis-legislacion-feminicidio-femicidio-modelo-de-ley.

[21] ELLA Policy Brief, op. cit.

[22] Ibidem.

[23] Manjoo, R. (2012). Op. cit.

[24] UNDP Data, “COVID-19 Global Gender Response Tracker,” UNDP 2021, Available at: https://data.undp.org/gendertracker/. 

[25] UN OHCHR, “Femicide Watch Initiative,” OHCHR 2020, Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/women/srwomen/pages/femicidewatch.aspx.

[26] La Razón de México, “Reporta Cepal tres mil 529 feminicidios en América Latina y el Caribe en 2018,” La Razón de México, 25 November 2019, Available at: https://www.razon.com.mx/mundo/reporta-cepal-tres-mil-529-feminicidios-en-america-latina-y-el-caribe-en-2018/.

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Julia Marszałkowska. A final year student of International Relations at King’s College London. Her interests revolve around human rights with focus on women’s rights, transitional justice and post-war reconciliation. She’s also actively engaged in student societies at King’s College London such as Women and Politics Society, European Society, and Political Theory Association.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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Najnowsze publikacje

  • Watching the 20th CCP National Party Congress from Taipei
    by Kuan-Ting Chen
    January 26, 2023
  • Lost and damaged: the geopolitics of belatedly tackled climate and biodiversity adaptation
    by Maciej Bukowski
    January 24, 2023
  • “Financing the Future. How to attract more foreign investors to the Three Seas Region” [Report]
    by Julita Wilczek
    January 16, 2023
  • The CPC 20th National Congress: Taiwan has Become a Key Front Line in the U.S.-China Tech Rivalry
    by Claire Lin
    December 22, 2022
  • The institution of marriage and divorce in Judaism vs. in Islam
    by Aleksandra Siwek
    December 20, 2022

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