Email · kontakt@ine.org.pl
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
    • Analyses
    • Video
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
    • Reports
    • Maps
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • 3 SEAS
  • EnglishEnglish
    • PolskiPolski
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
    • Analyses
    • Video
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
    • Reports
    • Maps
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • 3 SEAS
  • EnglishEnglish
    • PolskiPolski
Aug 16
Analysis, Football, Geopolitics, International Politics, Publications, Russia, Security, Ukraine

Forbidden match: Ukraine vs Russia

August 16, 2021
Forbidden match: Ukraine vs RussiaDownload

Authors: dr Aleksander Olech, Mieszko Rajkiewicz

Main Points

– The rivalry between Ukrainians and Russians goes back to the 1920s.

– the national teams of both countries have only played against each other twice;

– the gas crisis which followed after the Ukrainian Orange revolution lead to Gazprom becoming a major football sponsor in an attempt to improve Russia’s image in the eyes of the Western European countries;

– Ukrainian footballers playing for Russian clubs cannot count on being recalled to play in their national team;

– due to the continued armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, one of Ukraine’s best football clubs, Shakhtar Donetsk, continues to operate outside of Donbas, however, despite this it continues its charitable work which has a positive effect on the reinforcement of the Ukrainian national identity in Eastern Ukraine;

– Ukraine’s new football kit has called outrage on the Russian side.

Introduction

When looking at the Ukrainian-Russian conflict through the lens of football, one needs to look further than just the last 7 years as this relationship goes far deeper. Since the times of the USSR, football has played a key role in the Ukrainian-Russian relationship, with the recent development being just new chapters of the already long book.

Under the Red Flag

The history of the Ukrainian-Russian football rivalry did not start after the fall of the USSR, and we could downright say that, since the early 1990s, we have experienced the epilogue of this rivalry as the majority of the most important chapters of this decades-long tale were written when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union. Over the years, the 6 biggest Russian and Ukrainian football clubs played over 1800 football matches against each other. Looking at it from a geographical point of view, the Ukrainian clubs represented all corners of modern-day Ukraine: Dynamo Kyiv, Shakhtar Donetsk, Dnipro Dnipropetrovsk, Metalist Kharkiv, Zaria Voroshilovgrad (now Zorya Luhansk) or Chornomorets Odesa. In the case of the Russian teams, the majority of them came from the USSR key cities: Dynamo, CSKA, Lokomotiv, Torpedo (all from Moscow) and Zenit Leningrad (today Zenit Saint Petersburg).

The Football Stands demand independence

Football stands have constituted, for many years, an enclave where it was possible to nurture matters related to Ukrainian ethnicity and national independence. In the case of the USSR, this phenomenon was common since the beginning, because already in the 1920s (when formally the USSR football league did not even exist yet) incidents in football stadiums occurred which were said to be inciting citizens against the state. In 1923, claims were being made that the Maccabi Kyiv team displays Zionist or Jewish colours to set the proletariat against the Party. The importance of the Ukrainian clubs in the USSR football world enabled the emergence of pro-Ukrainian and pro-independence movements. A few clubs being unofficially involved with such movements, which, for example, almost lead to the disbanding of Karpaty Lviv in the 1980s by the local authorities, with one of the reasons being a “too Ukrainian squad”.

Today it is believed that the intensification of the Ukrainian independence aspirations, which could be seen through the lens of the football stands, began in 1961. This was when Dynamo Kyiv won its first USSR championship (the first of a record-breaking thirteen), which up until this point was not something achieved by a non-Moscow based club. For years supporters of the six best Ukrainian football clubs formed an informal anti-Soviet pact, with supporters often chanting the same pro-independence songs which included verses such as: “our flag is yellow and blue”, “Ukraine will be free”, or “our fatherland will be independent”. When the lifespan of the USSR was coming to an end, football stadiums in Ukrainian cities were seeing more and more Ukrainian national symbols, leading to the Ukrainian flag finally appearing in 1989 in one of the football stadiums in Kyiv.

The only interstate, two-legged tie

There has only been one such occurrence between the Ukrainian and Russian football teams which took place during the UEFA Euro 2000 qualifying tournament. Today that would be impossible as UEFA has forbidden matches between Ukrainian and Russian national and league teams due to the political tensions between the two countries.

The first-leg match, which took place in the Kyiv Olympic stadium and was attended by 82,000 fans; comparatively, the whole qualifying tournament saw a larger turnout in other matches. Ukraine won 3-2.

During the second leg, neither of the teams were eligible to qualify for the tournament directly but were both fighting for a chance to take part in the play-offs. Ukraine only needed to draw, whilst Russia required a win. Approximately 80,000 fans attended the match at Luzhniki Stadium in Moscow, including Vladimir Putin who was the Prime Minister at the time. Everyone who was present at the stands witnessed a draw, a favourable outcome for the Ukrainian team, meaning that in the two-legged tie Ukraine came out on top.

Russian natural gas and the improvement of Russia’s image in Europe (including from a football point of view)

Between 2005 and 2006 (after the Orange Revolution) the Russians decided to reduce the natural gas shipments to Ukraine, which was a way to influence Western Europe’s energy security (hoping that this will persuade EU countries to build a new gas pipeline). Although Russia was able to achieve that goal and the Nord Stream pipeline was constructed, Russia’s image in Europe was severely tarnished. This led Gazprom to seek ways to build back its position in Western Europe.

From this moment we can observe a clear expansion of Gazprom’s efforts in the football world. Shakhtar Donetsk and other Ukrainian clubs were doing well in the European leagues and were able to boast frequent appearances in various championships, which helped build a positive image of the young country as it was able to effectively manage its football clubs. On the other hand, the run-down Moscow clubs were not able to boast with such achievements, despite the great amounts of cash that they were being flooded with. Gazprom stepped in to improve the image of Russian football by sponsoring the most important football events and reinforcing, with an enormous amount of financial capital, the new Russian football power – Zenit. However, this was not the end of it. Since 2007, Gazprom became the main sponsor of the German football team FC Schalke 04 and since the 2012-2013 season, it is one of the eight official sponsors of the UEFA Champions League.

Issue of Crimea

Before the first gunshots were fired in Crimea and Donbas, goals were supposed to be scored as part of a new common Russian-Ukrainian football league. The patron of this idea was Alexey Miller, one of the chairmen of Gazprom. During the summer of 2013, a friendly tournament called “Tournament of Unity” took place with the participation of teams such as Shakhtar Donetsk, Dynamo Kyiv, Zenit Saint Petersburg and Spartak Moscow. Teams played in Moscow and Kyiv, and the winner of the first tournament was Dynamo Kyiv. The second edition took place during the winter of 2014, but because of the tense political situation between Russia and Ukraine, the teams played in Israel. This time around Shakhtar Donetsk took the top spot. In the end, the “CIS Super League” (between Russia and Ukraine) did not come into existence. The idea was blocked by top FIFA and UEFA officials, which would have only created the opportunity for the emergence of additional Super Leagues in Europe.

At the same time in Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts civil unrests broke out with protests demanding autonomy from the Ukrainian state and the desire to become part of Russia. On top of that strong anti-Ukrainian sentiments emerged in Crimea, which has a large ethnic Russian population. That is also when the so-called “little green men” made their first appearance. In Crimea, Russian special forces were heavily engaged with the annexation and power in the Republic of Crimea was claimed by local pro-Russian politicians. On the 18th of March 2014, after a referendum that was never recognised by the international community, the Kremlin announced that Crimea has become part of the Russian Federation. Four months later, UEFA announced that Ukrainian and Russian football teams will not be able to compete against each other.

Crimean Football League

In 2014, Crimea was the home territory of two football clubs that were members of the Ukrainian Premier League: Tavriya Simferopol and FC Sevastopol. Before the beginning of the 2014-2015 season, both teams were dismantled and reopened as part of the Russian Football Union. Two of the Crimean teams which played in the lower league, namely, Tytan Armiansk and Zhemchuzhina Yalta, saw a similar fate. All four teams were relegated to the third division of the Russian Premier League.

Outrage was expressed by several European countries. Some were demanding the suspension of Russia’s membership within UEFA, with others going as far as wanting to revoke Russia’s right to organise the 2018 World Cup. UEFA decided not to meddle with international politics, as Gazprom’s financial support of the Champions League would be at stake and limited its actions to not recognising the forced move of the Ukrainian clubs to the Russian Premier League and not allowing matches between Russian and Ukrainian teams.

In the end, UEFA came up with a solution that was not beneficial to any of the parties. A new football league – Crimean Premier League – was formed in Crimea consisting of 8 teams, which is overseen by UEFA, but the teams are not able to participate in the European tournaments. Tavriya Simferopol won the first championship. To this date, FC Sevastopol won the league twice and FC Eupatoria won the league once.

The league is not very popular among football fans. Most of the current players are of Russian origins as the Ukrainian Football Association threatened to fine any Ukrainian player that would decide to play in the league. For the Ukrainian side, especially hurtful was the loss of Tavriya Simferopol, who were the first football champions of independent Ukraine; this later led to the reactivation of the club in mainland Ukraine in 2016.

The lack of proper incorporation of the Crimean clubs into the Russian Super League is also a problem for Moscow, as it would be a symbolic conclusion of the process of Crimea’s annexation. Meanwhile, the Crimean clubs are not able to compete within the official UEFA structures neither in Europe nor in Russia, leading to them becoming completely isolated, which also does not help in reinforcing the Russian identity of the clubs and thus effectively making them “lost” clubs.

No recall for Ukrainians in Russian clubs

After 2014, even the situation within the Ukrainian football teams became problematic. When in 2016 Yevhen Seleznyov signed a contract with Kuban Krasnodar, he automatically became persona non grata to the Ukrainian national team, with the Ukrainian head coach Mykhaylo Fomenko deciding not to recall him. He was later admitted back into the national team, but only after his contract with Kuban was terminated based on a mutual agreement between him and the club. No Ukrainian player who was part of the Russian Premier League was recalled for the Euro 2016, Oleksandr Zinchenko and Bohdan Butko switched clubs shortly before the beginning of the tournament. The sentiment persists till today. In 2019, Yaroslav Rakitskyi who has played more than 50 matches as part of the Ukrainian national team, signed a contract with Zenit Saint Petersburg. This was seen as a betrayal within Ukraine and since then Rakitskyi has not been recalled, but he continues to make regular appearances as part of the Zenit match line-up. 

Shakhtar Donetsk in exile

The current war in Donbas (that broke out on the sixth of April 2016) has also had its victims. This was the result of unrest in Eastern Ukraine,  supported by Russia. On one side, we had the Ukrainian government which wanted to maintain the integrity of Ukraine’s borders, on the other side, there were the pro-Russian separatists – Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics (DPR & LPR) who are supported by Moscow.

The unrest continued over the course of the next 3 months, turning into a regular armed conflict. One of the bloodiest battles took place at the Donetsk airport, where tanks and armoured personnel carriers were used and over 200 people died. Another important event of the conflict took place when fighters of the DPR shot down the Malaysian Airlines airplane on the 17th of July 2014 which led to the death of 298 people. So far, the conflict has led to around 13,000 deaths. The Ukrainian armed forces have seen approximately 4,500 casualties, whilst the pro-Russian separatists have seen around 5,700. The fighting has also led to around 2,000 casualties amongst civilians.

In such circumstances, it is hard to play football, even more so when there is an armed conflict taking place a couple of hundred meters away from the stadium. Because of this, Shakhtar Donetsk has begun playing their home games in a location 1,200km away i.e. Lviv. In May 2020, Shakhtar moved again, this time to the Kyiv Olympic stadium, while Donbas Arena, which was built for the Euro 2012 and which cost $400mln, remains empty. This, however, has not stopped the Donetsk club from continuing their work in the Eastern part of the country. In 2018, Shakhtar created the “Shakhtar Social” foundation, which has become a vital element of the club’s work. Through the foundation, the club promotes values such as physical health, tolerance, education, or gender equality, but the main goal is fighting social exclusion. An enormous success for the clubs and the foundations was continuing their work in the Eastern part of the country which continues to be entangled in an armed conflict. They have become a prime location for children and club supporter communities for coming together, for instance through organising football training sessions as part of its football academy, despite the players not being able to play a match in their home stadium for 6 years. The work has been recognised by the international community and in 2019 the foundations “Come On, Let’s Play!” project received the “More Than Football” award, during the European Football for Development Network conference, in recognition of their charity work.

In the long term, this work can have a positive effect on the reinforcement of the Ukrainian national identity, particularly in Eastern Ukraine. Consciously or not, the club is helping to create a new Ukrainian community that in the future could potentially cut itself off from the Russian cultural, social, and political influence. This aligns with other efforts which aim to achieve the aforementioned goal, for example during the Euro 2012 tournament the Ukrainian national team played two matches of the group phase in Donetsk. Playing that many matches during one of the most important sports events in the country’s history is a clear sign of a desire to strengthen the ties of the local community with Ukraine.

Ukraine’s EURO 2020 kit

The most recent development in this conflict is the football kit of the Ukrainian national team. The new kit includes not only the standard national colours but also an outline of Ukraine’s borders, which include Crimea and the full Eastern border. Moscow has called this a blatant provocation, but UEFA thinks differently and has allowed the Ukrainian team to play in the kits.

In a recent development, UEFA has forbidden the Ukrainian team to use the words “Herojam Sława” on their kits, but the words “Sława Ukrajini” are allowed to remain. Both terms are commonly associated with Ukrainian nationalists and emerged in the 1920s. They were later adopted as a salute by the UPA and OUN organisations during World War II.

Although UEFA has ensured that the Ukrainian and Russian teams do not play against each other in the group stage or the early knockout stages, it is interesting to consider what UEFA’s reaction would be if the teams met in either the semi-final or the final itself. One can also wonder how the footballers themselves will react, or what input the Ukrainian and Russian politicians would give. Although the likelihood of this occurring is extremely low, it can never be fully overlooked. 

IF YOU VALUE THE INSTITUTE OF NEW EUROPE’S WORK, BECOME ONE OF ITS DONORS!

Funds received will allow us to finance further publications.

You can contribute by making donations to INE’s bank account:

95 2530 0008 2090 1053 7214 0001

with the following payment title: „darowizna na cele statutowe”

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Tumblr
  • Pinterest
  • Google+
  • LinkedIn
  • E-Mail
Dr Aleksander Olech Aleksander Olech, PhD. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College. Graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. He has undertaken research at several international institutions, among others, the Université Jean Moulin III in Lyon, the Institute of International Relations in Prague, the Institute for Peace Support and Conflict Management in Vienna, the NATO Energy Security Centre of Excellence in Vilnius, and the NATO Centre of Excellence Defence Against Terrorism in Ankara. Scholarship holder of the OSCE & UNODA Peace and Security Programme, the NATO 2030 Global Fellowship, and the Casimir Pulaski Foundation. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

Related Posts

See All Publications
  • Analysis, Czech Republic, Europe, Publications

Polish-Czech Forum 2023: Czech Foreign Policy. Interview with Šárka Shoup [Part 2]

This text is a transcription of the interview conducted by Michał Banasiak Šárka Shoup - the director of the Institute…
  • Michał Banasiak
  • September 19, 2023
  • 3SI, Analysis, Europe, Publications

Outcomes of the 2023 Bucharest Three Seas Initiative Summit

The 8th Three Seas Initiative Summit and Business Forum took place in Bucharest on September 6-7, 2023. The event participants…
  • Julita Wilczek
  • September 13, 2023
  • Analysis, Europe, Interview, Publications

Czech-Polish Forum 2023: Challenges and Perspectives of Polish-Czech Cooperation discussed by Karel Sál [Part 1]

This text is a transcription of the interview conducted by Michał Banasiak Karel Sál, Ph.D. - Analyst at Institute for…
  • Michał Banasiak
  • September 12, 2023
See All Publications

Comments are closed.

Dr Aleksander Olech Aleksander Olech, PhD. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College. Graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. He has undertaken research at several international institutions, among others, the Université Jean Moulin III in Lyon, the Institute of International Relations in Prague, the Institute for Peace Support and Conflict Management in Vienna, the NATO Energy Security Centre of Excellence in Vilnius, and the NATO Centre of Excellence Defence Against Terrorism in Ankara. Scholarship holder of the OSCE & UNODA Peace and Security Programme, the NATO 2030 Global Fellowship, and the Casimir Pulaski Foundation. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

YouTube

Latest publications

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org
  • Polish-Czech Forum 2023: Czech Foreign Policy. Interview with Šárka Shoup [Part 2]
    by Michał Banasiak
    September 19, 2023
  • Outcomes of the 2023 Bucharest Three Seas Initiative Summit
    by Julita Wilczek
    September 13, 2023
  • Czech-Polish Forum 2023: Challenges and Perspectives of Polish-Czech Cooperation discussed by Karel Sál [Part 1]
    by Michał Banasiak
    September 12, 2023

Categories

THE MOST POPULAR TAGS:

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org

China economy European Union International politics International security Poland Russia Security terrorism Ukraine USA

  • About
  • Publications
  • Europe
  • Security
  • O nas
  • Publikacje
  • Europa
  • Bezpieczeństwo
  • Indo-Pacific
  • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact – Careers
  • Indo-Pacyfik
  • Trójmorze
  • Ludzie
  • Kontakt – Kariera

Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



© 2019-2023 The Institute of New Europe Foundation · All rights reserved · Support us