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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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May 11
Europe, Publications, Russia

Russia Affairs Review April 2025

May 11, 2025

Ksawery Stawiński, Adam Jankowski

01.04 – Russians in the Sahel and Namibia

While the war in the East continues, Russians remain highly active in the Global South – particularly in Africa. Foreign ministers from the member states of the Sahel Alliance (Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso) recently visited Moscow. These African officials are part of the military juntas that have seized power in their respective countries. The Russians have offered them military aid in the form of equipment and training in exchange for access to natural resources.

The Sahel States Alliance (SSA) was established primarily as a response to the jihadist uprising in Mali, which spread throughout the region. It is a military alliance guaranteeing mutual armed assistance to any member state under attack. The organization seeks economic and security integration, as well as independence from France and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Anti-Western sentiment in the SSA is prompting economic actors from the Global North (including China) to leave the region, making way for increased Russian influence. The Kremlin is essentially purchasing extraction rights by selling military power. A joint military unit to fight terrorism is in the works. Interestingly, the SSA countries claim that terrorists in the Sahel are being supported by Ukraine.

Meanwhile, in the south of the continent – Windhoek is eager to cooperate with the Kremlin on a different front. Namibia produces 10% of the world’s uranium, while Russia holds 40% of global uranium enrichment capacity. Namibia’s goal is to acquire know-how from Russia on uranium processing. Building such an industry would provide jobs and increase income for Namibians, while also helping Russia achieve its objective of securing 25% of global uranium supplies by 2030. Since the start of the invasion, the Kremlin has seen a decline in foreign nuclear-sector investments. Namibia is willing to work with Russia because, unlike the West, it does not pressure the country into adopting green energy, which Namibia currently cannot afford.

11.04 – Ramstein – (ohne) Amerika

During a meeting of the Ramstein Group in Brussels – a coalition of 51 countries united in their support for Ukraine – an agreement was reached to provide Kyiv with over €21 billion in aid. Due to the number of countries involved, no specific completion date was set. The largest contributors were Germany – pledging €11 billion by 2029 – and the UK – offering €4.5 billion by the end of 2025, along with an additional €450 million in emergency military support that same year. €100 million will go toward refurbishing 3,000 Ukrainian vehicles, restoring them for frontline use.

Notably, the United States, which previously led the group’s meetings, was not in charge this time. The highest-ranking U.S. representative was Pete Hegseth, who did not assume a leadership role. Leadership of the group’s operations has now shifted to the UK and Germany. The U.S. will remain involved, but only as a participant.

The meeting focused heavily on supporting Ukraine’s air defense system, which remains its Achilles’ heel. According to Euro News, “since March, Russia has launched over 10,000 glide bombs and around 100 combat drones daily” onto Ukrainian territory. Estimates of aid sent since the start of the full-scale invasion until April 11 range between €125 and €145 billion.

13.04 – Bloody Palm Sunday

The second Sunday in April became the deadliest day for Ukrainian civilians since the 2023 massacre in the village of Hroza, where a missile killed 59 civilians gathered at a restaurant and nearby store. This time, the target was the city of Sumy, located just 50 kilometers from Russia. The victims were residents on their way to celebrate Palm Sunday in local churches. 35 people were killed and 177 injured.

The Russians are employing a horrifying tactic against civilians – the double strike. The first missile aims not only to kill but also to draw in emergency responders. The second, more deadly strike then hits the rescuers and those gathering at the site of the first attack. This is what happened in Sumy – an aerial explosion scattered shrapnel that injured civilians.

The choice of date – Palm Sunday, commemorating Christ’s arrival in Jerusalem – only highlights the brutality of the act. It is one of many daily tragedies in Ukraine. However, the attack occurred just two days after Putin met with a White House envoy, after which U.S. official Richard Witkoff suggested that peace negotiations were progressing positively. Trump called the attack a “mistake.” While international organizations condemned the atrocity, Bloomberg reported that the U.S. blocked the G7 from issuing a similar statement.

The Sumy, Kherson, and Poltava regions declared periods of mourning.

19.04  – Putin announces a false Easter ceasefire in Ukraine 

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a unilateral ceasefire in Ukraine for Orthodox Easter. According to his order, military actions were to be suspended from 6:00 PM Moscow time (3:00 PM GMT) on Saturday until midnight on Sunday.  

Putin expressed hope that Ukraine would also adhere to this ceasefire but emphasized that Russian armed forces should be prepared to repel any provocations from the enemy. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded skeptically to the Russian proposal, noting that despite the announced ceasefire, Russian forces continued artillery attacks and offensive operations on several fronts.  

Zelenskyy pointed out that Russia had rejected an earlier proposal for a 30-day ceasefire put forward by US President Donald Trump, which undermined the credibility of the current initiative. In the first hours after the ceasefire announcement, air raid sirens were heard in Kyiv and surrounding areas, while Ukrainian air forces were repelling Russian air attacks.  

Zelenskyy described the Russian proposal as “another attempt by Putin to play with human lives” and stressed the lack of trust in Moscow’s declarations. In response to Russia’s unilateral ceasefire announcement, Ukraine expressed readiness to reciprocate such a move only in the case of a full and unconditional cessation of hostilities. Zelenskyy emphasized that only a prolonged ceasefire could form the basis for building trust and further peace talks. 

28.04 – Russians demand direct initiative from Kyiv regarding peace talks 

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov stated that the initiative for direct peace talks should come from Ukraine. He emphasized that current legal regulations in Ukraine prevent negotiations with President Vladimir Putin. Peskov noted that Russia is ready for talks, but Ukraine must signal its willingness to start them. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, in an interview with the Brazilian newspaper “O Globo,” outlined conditions that Moscow considers essential for reaching a peace agreement.  

These include Ukraine’s renunciation of NATO membership, demilitarization and “denazification” of the country, and international recognition of Russian control over four Ukrainian regions that Russia has partially occupied since 2022. In response to these proposals, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stated that the first step toward peace should be an unconditional and complete ceasefire by Russia.  

In his evening speech, he emphasized that Ukraine would not accept limited ceasefires, such as the three-day ceasefire proposed by Putin for May 8-10, coinciding with the anniversary of the victory over Nazism. Zelenskyy stated that the ceasefire should occur immediately and unconditionally to protect human lives. The United States, through Secretary of State Marco Rubio, expressed support for a permanent ceasefire and a peaceful resolution to the conflict.  

The White House announced that President Donald Trump is concerned about the lack of progress in negotiations and expects concrete actions toward ending the war. Despite the declared willingness for talks, both sides maintain differing positions on the conditions for initiating negotiations.  

Russia demands that its territorial and political demands be met, while Ukraine insists on an immediate ceasefire and respect for its sovereignty. The situation remains tense, and the prospects for a quick agreement are uncertain. 

29.04 – Pyongyang officially confirms the participation of its troops in the war in Ukraine on the Russian side 

Pyongyang officially confirmed the deployment of its soldiers to Russia to support military operations against Ukraine. According to the North Korean agency KCNA, the decision to send troops was made by leader Kim Jong Un under the framework of a comprehensive strategic partnership treaty signed with Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2024.  

North Korean authorities described their troops’ involvement in the fighting as “an important contribution to liberating Russian territories occupied by Ukraine,” referring to the Kursk region. According to KCNA, approximately 14,000 North Korean soldiers have been deployed in Russia, including 3,000 as reinforcements. North Korean authorities emphasized that their troops treated Russian territory as their own, which was meant to demonstrate the strong alliance between the two countries.  

Kim Jong Un called the soldiers fighting “heroes” and “representatives of the honor of the homeland.”The military cooperation between North Korea and Russia has raised concerns in the international community. According to South Korean intelligence reports, North Korean soldiers fighting on Russia’s side in Ukraine have suffered significant casualties, with around 4,700 killed or wounded.  

Furthermore, in exchange for military support, North Korea receives advanced military technologies from Russia, as well as assistance in modernizing its energy and tourism sectors. Experts fear that the combat experience gained by North Korean soldiers and access to modern technologies could strengthen North Korea’s military potential, which poses a threat to security in the Asia-Pacific region.  

This cooperation could also impact the balance of power in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, increasing pressure on Ukraine and its allies. In light of the growing collaboration between Pyongyang and Moscow, the international community faces the challenge of responding to new threats to regional and global stability. 

30.04 – Putin declares openness to peace talks with Ukraine but warns against haste 

Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed readiness to engage in peace talks with Ukraine, but the Kremlin emphasized that achieving a quick agreement is unlikely due to the complexity of the conflict. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov noted that despite intense discussions with the United States, many issues remain unresolved, which hinders rapid progress in negotiations.  

Putin expressed a desire for direct talks with Ukraine, but Kyiv did not respond to this proposal. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha stated that Ukraine is ready for peace talks, provided that Russia agrees to an unconditional ceasefire. The United States, through Secretary of State Marco Rubio, called on both sides to present concrete proposals to end the war, warning that otherwise, the US would withdraw from its role as a mediator.  

President Donald Trump expressed belief that Putin is aiming to end the conflict, despite recent attacks on Ukrainian cities. Meanwhile, Russia announced a three-day ceasefire from May 8 to 10, to mark the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany. Ukraine criticized this proposal as insufficient and demanded an immediate and longer-lasting truce. 

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of York St John University in International Relations and Security. Currently a researcher at York St John University, he collaborates with Dr. Ayla Göl. At our Institute, he is responsible for a series of reports on Russia, “Eye on Russia,” and a number of other independent publications. His areas of interest include the security of the Republic of Poland and relations between the EU and its member states.

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of York St John University in International Relations and Security. Currently a researcher at York St John University, he collaborates with Dr. Ayla Göl. At our Institute, he is responsible for a series of reports on Russia, “Eye on Russia,” and a number of other independent publications. His areas of interest include the security of the Republic of Poland and relations between the EU and its member states.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
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