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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Sep 06
Europe, Publications, Russia

Russia Affairs Review August 2025

September 6, 2025

Ksawery Stawiński, Adam Jankowski

01.08 One Million Highly Skilled Indian Immigrants

The head of the Ural Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Andrei Adolfovich Besedin, announced that the residents of Sverdlovsk Oblast will host up to one million immigrants from India by the end of this year. A new consulate is opening in the oblast’s capital city – Yekaterinburg – to help newcomers from South Asia settle in the southern Urals. Citizens of Sri Lanka and North Korea are also expected to join them. The matter is being discussed at a high level with Indian diplomats.

The reason for this mass migration is said to be a dramatic shortage of labor in the Russian Federation. Many workers have gone to war, while Moscow’s pursuit of autarky requires increased production across the country. The industrial sector, particularly heavy industry – for which the Ural region is known and which the Ural Chamber of Commerce and Industry represents – is experiencing especially acute shortages. Indians are believed to be particularly skilled in metallurgy and mechanical engineering, which is why Andrei Adolfovich is betting on specialists from South Asia.

Yekaterinburg itself is expected to become a major hub for freight transport along the New Silk Road – China’s economic initiative – hence the need to supply the region with workers. The same city is also to become a dry port, supporting Russia’s expansion toward the Arctic Ocean.

Indeed, Russia is grappling with a labor shortage. Low labor supply is driving up inflation, and civilian industries are struggling to function normally as the state prioritizes the military-industrial complex. The Russian Federation’s Ministry of Labor forecasts that by 2030, the country will lack 3.1 million workers. Importantly, Besedin’s position contradicts current Russian law, which does not allow for such a large influx of people. However, the needs of the heavy industry during the war with Ukraine may outweigh the desire to maintain existing regulations.

11.08 Parcel Bomb

According to the Internal Security Agency (ABW): “An indictment was filed with the District Court in Piotrków Trybunalski against Ukrainian citizen Kristina S., who is accused of participating in an act that posed a direct threat of an explosion of explosive materials.”

The woman created a homemade bomb and sent it via parcel using a courier service. Workers at the parcel warehouse noticed the suspicious package and notified the appropriate authorities. The General Prosecutor’s Office stated: “In the event of detonation, the parcel could have caused significant damage to critical infrastructure, piercing sensitive fuel tanks, building ceilings, or strong steel constructions.” However, no information was provided regarding the intended target of the attack.

The woman did not act alone – another Ukrainian citizen and two Russians were also involved in the plot. So far, Polish institutions have not released any information indicating that the operation was coordinated from the Kremlin. However, it should be noted that there is a high probability this scenario is plausible, as it aligns with Moscow’s modus operandi in Europe. If the Ukrainian woman is convicted of attempted sabotage, she faces up to 8 years in prison. The investigation into the three other accomplices is ongoing; two have been temporarily detained for a period of three months.

13.08 Belarusian Saboteur

Unfortunately, this was not the only sabotage operation in the country over the past month. According to ABW, its agents “detained 27-year-old Belarusian citizen Vitalij S. in Warsaw. He is suspected of acting on behalf of a foreign intelligence service against the Republic of Poland by planning diversionary operations and acts of sabotage in the Lublin Voivodeship.”

This time, the saboteur’s activities were aimed at gathering information necessary to set fire to a warehouse facility – he was photographing it and passing the images to representatives of a foreign intelligence service (possibly as part of a plan resembling the arson of the shopping center on Marywilska Street in Warsaw).

During interrogation, the Belarusian confessed to the charges brought against him. He has been placed in pre-trial detention for three months. As in the case of the Ukrainian woman, he also faces up to 8 years in prison. Although Vitalij is said to have acted on behalf of an enemy intelligence service, neither “Russia” nor “Belarus” is explicitly mentioned. The identity of the orchestrators remains open to speculation. Nevertheless, the modus operandi once again points toward the East.

14 August – Poor Grain Harvest Exposes Fragility of Russia’s Economy and Risks to Kremlin Influence

This year’s harvest failure in Russia, the weakest in many years, goes far beyond simple weather problems and exposes deeper structural weaknesses in an economy increasingly subordinated to war. For the past decade, the agricultural sector has been a key source of foreign currency and a tool of foreign policy for the Kremlin.

Grain and fertilizer exports, largely resistant to sanctions, allowed Moscow to maintain trade ties with markets in Africa and the Middle East. During the Soviet era, the country struggled with chronic shortages, and grain imports were a pressure point used by the West. Only after the collapse of the USSR, through reforms and investment inflows, did Russia emerge as one of the world’s largest wheat exporters and a major fertilizer supplier. In 2025 this narrative faltered.

Droughts in the Rostov region and other weather anomalies led to crop losses in some areas of up to 60%. Stavropol and several other regions achieved better results thanks to favorable rainfall but could not fully offset the overall decline. July’s export figures are alarming: wheat sales dropped to just 2–2.6 million tons, a level not seen since 2008. To stimulate trade, authorities reduced the export tax to zero, hoping for a nationwide harvest of about 135 million tons, enough to maintain exports at roughly 45 million tons. Yet climate issues are only part of the picture.

Sanctions have restricted access to modern technology and credit, while rising production costs undermine the competitiveness of Russian grain. The long-held narrative of unstoppable agricultural export strength is beginning to erode. For the Kremlin, this signals not only the risk of losing economic influence but also the weakening of a strategic lever over markets dependent on Russian grain. Authorities are responding with short-term measures—relaxing export duties, shifting production to regions with better climatic conditions, and promising financial aid to farmers. In the long run, significant investment in agribusiness modernization, crop diversification, and climate adaptation will be crucial, as extreme weather increasingly dictates success or failure. The 2025 harvest failure underscores that Russia’s agricultural resilience to sanctions does not guarantee immunity to structural weaknesses and environmental shocks. Repeated setbacks of this scale could erode Russia’s status as a reliable grain supplier and diminish its geopolitical leverage in global food markets.

21 August – Russian Missile Strike Destroys U.S. Factory in Ukraine

On the night of 20–21 August 2025, Russia launched one of its largest missile-and-drone assaults in recent months, firing over 500 drones and 40 missiles toward Ukraine’s western regions. Targets included Kyiv, Lviv, Zaporizhzhia, and Mukachevo—only 30 kilometers from the Hungarian border—where an American-owned Flex Ltd. factory producing household appliances was operating. The plant, employing several hundred workers, suffered a direct hit.

Around 600 employees had taken shelter during the strike, yet dozens were injured and six required hospitalization. Flex stated the facility had no connection to military production, emphasizing that its priority remains the safety and support of staff. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky condemned the attack as a deliberate strike on a civilian U.S. investment and clear evidence Moscow has no interest in de-escalation.

The American Chamber of Commerce in Kyiv likewise denounced the incident, urging Washington to respond to aggression against a commercial enterprise. Local officials confirmed one fatality in Lviv, at least three injuries, and heavy damage to dozens of residential and public buildings. The attack coincided with a period of intensified diplomacy: U.S. President Donald Trump met with Vladimir Putin in Alaska a week earlier, while Zelensky held consultations with European leaders in Washington. Russia nevertheless signaled continued escalation, declaring any potential meeting with Ukraine’s president could only happen after “appropriate high-level preparations,” while its foreign minister dismissed European proposals for peace monitoring missions.

28 August – Ukraine Strikes Key Russian Refineries

In August, Ukraine carried out a series of precision attacks on Russian oil infrastructure, knocking out roughly 17% of the country’s refining capacity—about 1.1 million barrels of crude per day. Ten facilities were damaged, including refineries in Volgograd, Ryazan, Samara, and Saratov, as well as the export terminal at Ust-Luga and segments of the Druzhba pipeline, vital for supplying Hungary and Slovakia.

The scale of the damage threatens both Russia’s domestic fuel supply and the revenue stream that has long underpinned its war effort. The most acute effects are felt in distant regions, including the Far East, the south, and Crimea. Long queues have formed at filling stations, and sales of A-95 gasoline have been restricted in many locations to institutions and businesses. Wholesale fuel prices have risen by more than 50% over the past year, reaching record levels for some categories.

Moscow has tried to stabilize the situation by banning gasoline exports in July and boosting crude oil shipments by an additional 200,000 barrels per day, rerouting cargoes from the partly crippled Ust-Luga terminal to Novorossiysk and Primorsk. The strikes underscore Kyiv’s strategy of deliberately targeting the Kremlin’s economic base, triggering a fuel crunch that disrupts daily life in Russia and undermines the state’s capacity to generate oil export revenue. In the broader picture, this forms part of Ukraine’s effort to weaken Moscow’s military potential while strengthening its own leverage in the conflict and on the global stage.

29.08 Closure of the Polish Consulate in Kaliningrad

The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a statement – the Polish Consulate in Kaliningrad will be closed. The decision was justified by “unfounded and hostile actions by the Polish side, expressed through the reduction of Russia’s consular presence in Poland under a fabricated pretext.” Moscow refers here to a decision by Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs made earlier in May, when the Russian consulate in Kraków was shut down. That decision was a response to the discovery of a network of saboteurs acting on behalf of the Kremlin. Their sabotage included the widely publicized arson attack on a large shopping center on Marywilska Street in Warsaw (covered in our May edition of “Russian Rewiev”).

As a result, the number of Polish diplomatic posts in Russia has decreased from three – the embassy in Moscow, consulates in Irkutsk and Kaliningrad – to just two. The fourth post – the consulate in St. Petersburg – was also closed earlier, in January 2025. That decision mirrored the Kaliningrad case: Poland closed the Russian consulate in Poznań after arsonists, acting on Kremlin orders, attempted to burn down a factory in Wrocław. In retaliation, Russia shut down the consulate in its former capital.

Russia also had four diplomatic missions in Poland – an embassy in Warsaw and consulates in Kraków, Poznań, and Gdańsk. Now only two remain: the embassy in the capital and the consulate in Gdańsk. The Polish embassy in Moscow assures that it will not leave the Polish community without support. Still, there is no doubt that the closure of the consulate will create difficulties for residents of the Russian exclave.

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of Sociology and Social Anthropology at the University of Warsaw. His research interests include the autonomization process of the European Union and Poland's foreign policy, especially in the context of security.

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of Sociology and Social Anthropology at the University of Warsaw. His research interests include the autonomization process of the European Union and Poland's foreign policy, especially in the context of security.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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