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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Mar 12
Europe, Publications, Russia

Russia Affairs Review February 2025

March 12, 2025

Ksawery Stawiński, Adam Jankowski

03.02 Life and Death of Armen Sarkisyan

A bomb exploded in a luxury residential area along the Moscow River in the city of Moscow. The explosion killed Armen Sarkisyan, also known as Armen Gorłowski. Originally from Armenia, Sarkisyan grew up in Donbas and rose to prominence as a high-profile criminal, amassing a vast fortune. He collaborated with Ukrainian authorities, including organizing militias that dispersed demonstrators in Kyiv during the Revolution of Dignity.

However, when war broke out in Donbas in 2014 between Ukraine and the so-called separatists, Sarkisyan was added to Ukraine’s most-wanted list. Despite this, he continued his criminal activities in the region. He became one of Ukraine’s most notorious criminals, particularly in Donbas.

Following Russia’s full-scale invasion, the FSB recruited Sarkisyan for a major operation. He was tasked with establishing the Arbat battalion (short for Armenian Battalion), which operated on behalf of the Russian army. Despite its name, the battalion largely consisted of prisoners from eastern Ukraine. Sarkisyan was also appointed by the FSB to oversee the prison system in Russian-occupied territories.

After Prigozhin’s death, Arbat became one of the units that absorbed Wagner Group soldiers left without leadership. Although no official statement from Ukraine has claimed responsibility for Sarkisyan’s assassination, the circumstances strongly suggest otherwise. The modus operandi closely resembles the assassination of Igor Kirillov—the man responsible for orchestrating Russia’s chemical warfare against Ukraine.

With this latest attack, it is clear that the Kremlin’s military leadership can no longer feel safe in Moscow.

07.02 Baltic States Cut Ties with Russia

On February 7, the agreement between the Baltic states and Moscow regarding electricity transmission from Russia to Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia expired. In 2024, the Baltic states decided not to renew their contract with the Russian energy supplier.

Until recently, the Baltics, Russia, and Belarus were connected through an energy agreement known as BRELL, established during the Soviet era when all these states were part of a single political entity. This post-Soviet relic effectively made the Baltic states dependent on the Kremlin’s political decisions for their energy security. As a result, they chose to sever ties with the system.

In 2018, Vilnius, Riga, and Tallinn announced their intention to disconnect from BRELL and integrate with the European Union’s energy network—CESA (Continental Europe Synchronous Area). This transition was completed in February 2025, enabled by the LitPol energy link connecting Lithuania to Poland.

Due to numerous attacks on critical energy infrastructure across Europe, allegedly involving Russian operatives, the new connection is under strict protection. Polish Electricity Networks helicopters routinely patrol the route to ensure its security.

Despite initial concerns among Baltic citizens, there is currently no indication that energy prices have risen due to the shift in suppliers. Instead, price stability is more threatened by the actions of mysterious ships, whose crews frequently “forget” to raise their anchors, damaging undersea cables in the process.

12.02 A Call to a Friend

Trump announced on his social media platform, Truth Social, that he had a phone conversation with Vladimir Putin. The two leaders discussed their shared history, current political affairs, and the necessity of ending the war in Ukraine. They also announced plans for reciprocal presidential visits to the United States and Russia. Trump expressed strong optimism about initiating cooperation with the Russian Federation. His post also listed members of the U.S. administration who would be responsible for conducting the negotiations.

The conversation lasted an hour and a half and is seen as a turning point in warming relations between the U.S. and Russia.

The Kremlin, through its spokesman Dmitry Peskov, commented on the discussion between the two presidents. Russia considers the United States its most important interlocutor in peace talks. While Ukraine is expected to join the discussions, Europe has been excluded. This stance generated cautious optimism in the Kremlin. The first meeting between American and Russian representatives has been scheduled to take place in Riyadh.

In an interview with The Economist, Volodymyr Zelensky responded to the announced peace plan. When asked whether he expects to see how it might take shape, he replied that he doubts such a plan even exists. According to Zelensky, any agreement can only be reached in consultation with all parties actively involved in the conflict. Therefore, he firmly rejects the idea of a ceasefire imposed on Kyiv by Washington and Moscow.

These developments set the stage for discussions at the Munich Security Conference, which was later analyzed in an article by the Institute for New Europe titled Europo quo vadis?

12.02 Russian Base in Sudan

The Sudanese Minister of Foreign Affairs met with Sergei Lavrov in Moscow to discuss the construction of a naval military base on the western coast of the Red Sea. The ministers of both countries reached an agreement, granting Russia permission to deploy its navy in Port Sudan.

This marks a strategic victory for Moscow, which had been seeking approval to establish a military presence in Sudan since 2019, when discussions first took place with then-President Omar al-Bashir, who was later overthrown. The change in power in Khartoum forced both sides to renegotiate the agreement, which was ultimately finalized in 2020 under Sudan’s new leadership.

In 2023, Sudan descended into civil war, a conflict that continues to this day, further complicating Moscow’s ambitions. Despite these challenges, the agreement has now been sealed. Russia secured a 25-year lease to construct and operate a military base in Port Sudan. The base will accommodate up to 300 personnel and will be capable of hosting warships, including nuclear-powered vessels.

The agreement holds particular significance in light of the December coup d’état in Syria. The loss of power by Bashar al-Assad meant that Russia lost a key regional ally, whom it had actively supported during years of civil war. The Tartus military base in Syria was Russia’s only overseas naval facility, and now, with Assad gone, Port Sudan may partially assume its strategic role.

This shift alters the geography of Russian military operations, moving its naval presence from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. While this means a diminished military role in the Middle East, Russia strengthens its foothold in Africa, positioning itself for greater regional influence.

18.02 – U.S.-Russia Diplomatic Meeting in Riyadh

On February 18, 2025, a high-level diplomatic meeting took place in Riyadh between delegations from the United States and Russia. The discussions aimed at improving bilateral relations and formulating a strategy to end the conflict in Ukraine. This meeting represented the most extensive diplomatic dialogue between the two countries since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

The U.S. delegation was led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, National Security Advisor Mike Waltz, and President Donald Trump’s senior advisor Steve Witkoff. They described the meeting as “positive, constructive, and very solid.” On the Russian side, attendees included Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, President Vladimir Putin’s international affairs advisor Yuri Ushakov, and Kirill Dmitriev, CEO of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF).

During the 4.5-hour discussions, the delegations reached agreements on three key issues:

  • The establishment of diplomatic teams to enhance operations in Moscow and Washington.
  • The creation of high-level task forces to define the “parameters of the conflict” in Ukraine.
  • The identification of economic cooperation opportunities that could emerge after the resolution of the conflict, which the U.S. delegation referred to as a “potentially historic economic opportunity” for Russia.

Additionally, Sergey Lavrov announced a planned meeting of deputy foreign ministers, intended to lay the groundwork for a potential summit between Presidents Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin. However, no specific date for such a summit was set.

President Donald Trump’s decision to engage in direct talks with Vladimir Putin—without the involvement of Ukraine or European allies—has sparked concern in European capitals. Many European leaders worry that such negotiations could result in agreements unfavorable to Ukraine and jeopardize regional stability.

While the United States and Russia continue their negotiations, Europe is working to maintain unity and ensure that its influence remains central in key decisions regarding Ukraine’s future and the security of the continent.

23.02 – The European Union Adopts the 16th Package of Sanctions Against Russia

On February 23, 2025, the European Union approved its 16th package of sanctions against Russia, aimed at further weakening the Russian war machine and strengthening support for Ukraine.

Poland played a key role in the negotiations, with its representatives leading the talks in Brussels. The new restrictions target 84 individuals and entities, including companies from China and North Korea that support Kremlin operations.

The sanctions focus on:

  • Arms companies supplying the Russian military,
  • Entities linked to the so-called “shadow fleet” transporting Russian oil,
  • Additional measures to prevent the circumvention of previous sanctions, thereby enhancing their effectiveness.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski announced that permanent representatives of EU member states had reached an agreement on the new sanctions package. The final adoption by the Foreign Affairs Council is expected to take place on the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Despite these measures, Russia continues to find ways to bypass the restrictions. A key example is Russian plywood, which still reaches warehouses in Europe, revealing loopholes in enforcement. This demonstrates that Moscow has adapted to evade sanctions and that some entities in Europe remain willing to cooperate with Russia, undermining the effectiveness of the imposed restrictions.

24.02 – The United Kingdom Announces the Largest Sanctions Package Against Russia Since the Start of the Full-Scale War

Three years after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the United Kingdom has announced its largest sanctions package since 2022, targeting individuals and entities supporting Russian aggression. The new measures affect more than 100 entities deemed crucial to Russia’s war machine.

The sanctions focus on disrupting Russian military supply chains, imposing restrictions on:

  • Manufacturers and suppliers of mechanical tools, electronics, and dual-use goods, such as microprocessors used in weapons systems.
  • Entities based in Central Asia, Turkey, Thailand, India, and China, with China being Russia’s largest supplier of critical military goods.

Additionally, the sanctions address Russia’s growing cooperation with North Korea. Measures have been imposed on North Korean Defense Minister No Kwang Chol and other high-ranking officials responsible for sending over 11,000 North Korean soldiers to Russia. British sources describe these forces as “cannon fodder”, reporting that they have already suffered over 4,000 casualties.

Another key aspect of the sanctions package is restricting the transfer of advanced technologies. Sanctions have been placed on 13 Russian entities, including LLC Grant-Trade, whose owner Marat Mustafayev and his sister Dinara Mustafayeva used the company to smuggle advanced European technologies into Russia, directly supporting the war effort.

For the first time, the UK has leveraged new legal powers to sanction foreign financial institutions aiding Russia’s war machine. These sanctions target Kyrgyzstan’s OJSC Keremet Bank, aiming to disrupt Russia’s access to the international financial system for funding its military operations.

British Foreign Secretary David Lammy emphasized that:
“Every disruption of military supply lines, every blocked ruble, and every exposure of individuals supporting Putin’s aggression is a step toward a just and lasting peace.”
He also stated that lasting peace can only be achieved through strength and that these new sanctions represent another step in that direction.

The Russian embassy in London condemned the UK’s latest sanctions, calling them “illegal” and arguing that many of the targeted entities have no direct connection to the conflict in Ukraine.

This sanctions package aims to further weaken Russia’s war machine while bolstering Ukraine’s efforts to secure peace and stability in the region.

25.02 – Aleksandr Dugin Proposes Reforms to Political Science Education in Russia

Aleksandr Dugin, a well-known Russian philosopher and geopolitical strategist, has presented a proposal aimed at transforming political science education in Russian universities. The goal of this initiative is to reform the teaching of political science to better align with Russia’s cultural and historical identity.

Dugin’s team argues that the current political science curriculum in Russia is dominated by “Americocentrism,” which, in their view, promotes neoliberal ideas. They claim that this approach is harmful, as it shapes attitudes that contradict Russian civilization and culture.

As part of the proposed reform, the curriculum would focus on:

  • “Strengthening civic-mindedness” and fostering patriotic attitudes.
  • Prioritizing state and public life over private interests.
  • Subordinating individual concerns to the values and interests of the homeland.
  • Emphasizing “Orthodoxy, autocracy, and nationality” as the foundations of Russian statehood.

Dugin’s proposal has received mixed reactions. The project reflects the growing influence of Eurasian ideology in Russian academic and political discourse. It is part of broader efforts to redefine Russia’s national identity and its position on the international stage.

27.02 – Competition for Resource Extraction Amidst War: Russia Offers the U.S. Cooperation in Rare Earth Metals Mining

Vladimir Putin has announced Russia’s willingness to cooperate with foreign partners, including the United States, in the extraction of its rare earth metal deposits. This offer also extends to the eastern Ukrainian territories annexed by Russia. Putin stated: “We are happy to work with foreign partners, including American ones. The same applies to our new territories. We are ready to involve foreign partners in what we call our new, historically ours, territories that have returned to the Russian Federation.”U.S. President Donald Trump responded positively to this proposal, saying: “We would also like to buy minerals on Russian soil if possible. They have very good rare earth metal resources, just like Ukraine. And oil, and gas. It’s a great thing. It’s also great for Russia. We can do business there. They have very valuable lands that are not being used.” However, Putin’s offer has been met with criticism from Russian military bloggers, who expressed their dissatisfaction with the prospect of cooperation with the U.S. in this sector. For instance, the popular blogger Dva Mayory remarked: “To be honest, we missed the moment when the Yankees’ wild desire to steal Russian natural wealth suddenly turned into a mutually beneficial partnership with our American ‘partners’.” Russia possesses the world’s fifth-largest reserves of rare earth metals, estimated at 28.7 million tons, with 3.8 million tons currently being mined. The country aims to significantly expand its rare earth metals industry and plans to become one of the top five global producers, capturing up to 12% of the market share by 2030. However, the Russian rare earth metals industry faces challenges such as low domestic demand and competition from China, which dominates global production. The proposal to collaborate with the U.S. on rare earth metal extraction may be an attempt to overcome these obstacles and strengthen Russia’s position in the global market for these critical resources. If the United States were to engage in such cooperation, it could lead to a significant shift in the global supply chain of rare earth elements, which are essential for high-tech industries, including defense, electronics, and renewable energy. Currently, China controls about 70% of global rare earth metal production and an even larger share of the refining capacity. A potential U.S.-Russia partnership could reduce American dependence on Chinese rare earth supplies and provide Russia with much-needed economic benefits amidst ongoing sanctions and geopolitical isolation. However, any agreement would likely face strong resistance from U.S. lawmakers and NATO allies, who view Russia as an adversary. Economic cooperation in such a strategic sector could also raise concerns about security risks, particularly in light of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. For now, Putin’s proposal remains speculative, but it signals Russia’s strategic interest in securing foreign investments and breaking its growing economic isolation. The reaction from Washington and its allies will determine whether this unexpected offer leads to tangible negotiations or remains a symbolic maneuver in the broader geopolitical struggle between Russia and the West.

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of York St John University in International Relations and Security. Currently a researcher at York St John University, he collaborates with Dr. Ayla Göl. At our Institute, he is responsible for a series of reports on Russia, “Eye on Russia,” and a number of other independent publications. His areas of interest include the security of the Republic of Poland and relations between the EU and its member states.

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Ksawery Stawiński Graduate of York St John University in International Relations and Security. Currently a researcher at York St John University, he collaborates with Dr. Ayla Göl. At our Institute, he is responsible for a series of reports on Russia, “Eye on Russia,” and a number of other independent publications. His areas of interest include the security of the Republic of Poland and relations between the EU and its member states.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
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Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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