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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Jun 15
Europe, Publications, Russia

Russia Affairs Review May 2025

June 15, 2025

Ksawery Stawiński, Adam Jankowski

08.05.25 – Mineral Deal

On May 8th, the Ukrainian parliament ratified the so-called Mineral Deal. The official, less catchy name of this document is: Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the United States of America on the Establishment of the American-Ukrainian Investment Fund for Reconstruction. The title of this document explains its purpose.

The agreement, announced already at the end of February, became part of the effort that the new US president undertook in recent months to end the war. Its form, provisions, and general shape underwent transformations over the last few weeks. It’s worth noting that Zelensky was supposed to sign this document already at the end of February. However, the scandal that erupted in the White House during the conference between Trump, Pence, and Zelensky caused the agreement not to be signed then. Fortunately for Ukraine, the final form of the Mineral Deal turned out to be more favorable for Kyiv compared to its original version.

The content of the document reflects Washington’s real approach to Ukraine. Donald Trump’s controversial statements and his frequent, unexpected changes in political decisions make him an especially difficult politician to analyze. Written commitments on paper more reliably represent the USA’s stance towards Kyiv.

In practice, the document establishes an investment fund in the form of a Limited Partnership, whose American side members include the International Development Finance Corporation, and on the Ukrainian side, the Agency for Public-Private Partnership under the Ministry of Economy.

Key political points:

  • America aims to establish a free, secure, and independent Ukraine in a state of stable peace.
  • International corporations can participate in the reconstruction process, but not those from countries supporting Russia in its conflict with Ukraine.
  • America recognizes the Russian side as the aggressor and Moscow’s policy as the cause of the 2022 invasion and destruction on Ukrainian territory.
  • Ukraine retains sovereignty over its natural resources.
  • The agreement strengthens the alliance between the two countries and aims to lay the foundations for further actions to modernize Ukraine, improve its security situation, and bring it closer to the Western world.

Key business points:

  • From the date of ratification, any military aid provided to Ukraine by the USA will be recognized as an increase in the American party’s capital contribution equal to the estimated value of the aid given (this acts as a form of “payment” for the aid provided to Ukraine by the Americans but does not apply to aid already sent).
  • The Fund has the privilege to obtain information about potential investors seeking to raise capital for mineral extraction. The same right applies to “critical infrastructure” (highways, railways, power plants, etc.). If the Fund expresses interest in a given project, the investor is obliged to enter into business negotiations in good faith with the Fund. The investor is prohibited from offering better terms than those offered by the Fund to other potential contractors (effectively, the Fund has preferential access to all major investments in the country).
  • If Ukraine wants to sell its minerals, the American side — if it so desires — has the right to negotiate with the Ukrainian side on market terms to buy the mineral. The Ukrainian side is not allowed to offer better terms to third parties than those proposed by the Americans (the USA gains the possibility to purchase mineral on preferential terms).
  • Additionally, the Fund reserves the right to regulate sales to entities whose activities could harm its strategic interests (meaning Americans can regulate to whom and how much Ukraine sells its mineral).
  • All these rules must comply with EU regulations (so as not to hinder Ukraine’s efforts to obtain EU membership).

The document lacks information on how the Fund will reinvest profits in the reconstruction of Ukraine (likely, the reconstruction will be driven by American companies eager to undertake lucrative projects with preferential access). The Ukrainian Minister of Economy announced that talks on this topic are ongoing. We can expect the agreement to be expanded in the coming months and new important documents to emerge. Ukraine would like to see 50 percent of the entire Fund’s profits, not just its share, reinvested in the country’s reconstruction.

In its current form, the political significance of the agreement outweighs its actual impact on the rules for mineral extraction and infrastructure development in Ukraine. Donald Trump secured “payment” for the aid provided to Kyiv. Zelensky, on the other hand, obtained an official commitment from the new administration to support his cause and stand on Ukraine’s side. Due to controversial statements coming from the White House, this was not entirely obvious until the Mineral Deal was concluded. In no way should this agreement be interpreted as a security guarantee.

09.05.2025 – Hungarian Spies in Ukrainian Zakarpattia

During the ongoing war in the east, the Ukrainian Security Service arrested two suspicious individuals in Zakarpattia. A man and a woman, Ukrainian nationals, allegedly acted as spies for Budapest on the western outskirts of their own country. The spies previously worked for the Ukrainian army, making their betrayal all the more painful for Kyiv. Their new supervisor was recently appointed as an officer of the Hungarian intelligence service, whose name was obtained by Ukrainian security during the investigation. The Hungarian’s identity has not been made public. Due to martial law in Ukraine, the two spies face life imprisonment.

Their tasks included:

  • Monitoring the state of the Ukrainian army in Zakarpattia
  • Identifying weak points of the Zakarpattia military
  • Obtaining information about local residents’ reactions to a theoretical scenario of a Hungarian military invasion of the region.

The spies were, however, uncovered. This is the first case in Ukraine’s history where its services have dealt with a Hungarian espionage network. Budapest denies the Ukrainian narrative, calling it false and part of a broader anti-Hungarian policy by Kyiv used to stabilize its presence in Zakarpattia. As is typical for Eastern Europe, this region has a rich history and a mix of nationalities — currently part of Ukraine but home to a significant Hungarian minority densely inhabiting the western border area. The spy story aims to undermine trust in Hungary in western Ukraine and serves as a response to Hungary’s pursuit of a quick and “peaceful” end to the war, which includes blocking the European transfer of military equipment to the Donbas front.

Despite Budapest denying espionage allegations, it expelled two Ukrainian diplomats from its territory — in exchange for the imprisonment of the two spies it does not acknowledge. In response, the Ukrainian Foreign Minister stated that “based on the principle of reciprocity and our national interests […]” Kyiv gives Hungary 48 hours for two Hungarian diplomats to leave the country.

The dispute over Zakarpattia Hungarians between Ukraine and Hungary has long persisted. Budapest demands restoring some language rights for its compatriots, lost after the 2015 law change. Thanks to its privileged NATO and EU membership status, Hungary pressured Ukraine into some concessions, which Kyiv agreed to. However, the changes do not fully satisfy Budapest, and the fate of Hungarians in western Ukraine remains a bone of contention.

12.05.2025 –  Russian Arson on Marywilska Street

The National Prosecutor’s Office issued a statement concerning the fire at the shopping center on Marywilska Street 44 in Warsaw. The facility burned almost completely one year before the statement. Until May 2025, the causes of the fire remained unknown. According to the prosecutor’s office: “The inspection area of the fire site covered 6 hectares. The shopping center housed 1,400 shops and service points rented by over 700 people.”

The fire was set on the orders of Russian intelligence. The arsonists acting on Kremlin orders were Oleksander V. and Daniil B., both holding Ukrainian citizenship. They belonged to a group responsible for a series of arsons throughout Europe, including one in Vilnius in 2024. Cooperation between Polish and Lithuanian prosecutors led to charges against Daniil B. for operating in an organized criminal group aimed at acts of terror and sabotage on behalf of the Russian Federation against the Republic of Poland. Daniil B. is in pre-trial detention in Lithuania. Oleksander V. is currently free but faces similar charges. A warrant and a European Arrest Order have been issued for him. Both men face sentences ranging from ten years to life imprisonment.

A year ago, besides the fire on Marywilska, a construction market in Warsaw was also set on fire. The modus operandi is the same as in the Żerań shopping center case — Stepan K., hired by Russian services, committed the sabotage act. Charges against him are similar to those against his collaborators. He is currently in pre-trial detention, the most severe measure Poland can apply to a suspect — confinement until the verdict.

The entire case fits the standardized modus operandi of Russian services. To avoid compromising their best spies, Russians find “contractors” for simple tasks. The assignments vary from graffiti painting to arson and even murder. Payment depends on the operation’s complexity, though Russians do not always fulfill their part. Although sabotage contractors often come from criminal environments, extremist political organizations, pro-Russian groups — access to whom is ensured by internet anonymity and social media — Russian diplomacy plays a significant role in Kremlin intelligence operations. Embassies and consulates are often the centers of Russian espionage in a given country. In Central and Eastern Europe, Prague and Vienna until recently upheld the notorious tradition of espionage centers for our part of the continent.

A few days after the prosecutor’s statement, the Polish Foreign Minister ordered the closure of the Russian consulate in Krakow. It’s unclear if this specific consulate was involved or if it is merely a political signal from Warsaw to the east. Poland had already closed the Russian consulate in Poznan in response to a (failed) arson attempt on the American PPG Industries factory in Wroclaw. After closing the Krakow consulate, Russia is left with only one consulate in Gdansk and its embassy in Warsaw. However, if the current trend continues, the days of the Gdansk consulate are likely numbered.

27.05.25. — Russia Conducts Large-Scale Modernization of Military Units Equipped with Nuclear Weapons

Russia is carrying out a large-scale modernization of underground missile silos that store strategic nuclear warheads. Journalists from the Danish investigative project Danwatch and the German magazine Der Spiegel discovered hundreds of detailed plans of these facilities, which were made publicly available in open databases.

This exposure revealed previously unknown details about the structure and equipment of Russian nuclear bases. The investigation, which began in the summer of 2024, granted access to over two million documents related to Russian military contracts. Despite Russia imposing restrictions on access to such information, the journalists managed to circumvent these limits using various digital technologies and a network of servers located in Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus.

The uncovered documents reveal details on the construction of new military facilities, including hundreds of new barracks, watchtowers, command centers, and warehouses, as well as kilometers of underground tunnels. The plans also include security systems such as triple rows of electric fences around the sites, seismic and radiation sensors, blast-resistant doors and windows, and alarm systems with contact magnets and infrared sensors. Some documents even specify locations for surveillance cameras inside buildings.

Although detailed plans of the bunkers storing nuclear warheads themselves were not disclosed, the available materials provide unprecedented insight into the structure and security of these facilities. Among the uncovered documents are plans for the facilities of the 621st and 368th missile regiments in the city of Jasny in the Orenburg region. These plans include information about room layouts, equipment, construction materials, and suppliers. Materials from Western companies such as cement, gypsum, adhesives, and insulation materials—including products from Knauf—were used in building these facilities.

Although Knauf publicly announced its intention to withdraw from the Russian market after the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, journalists claim that Knauf still controls its subsidiaries in Russia. Russian authorities have not yet commented on these revelations, but they may be compelled to strengthen nuclear infrastructure in response to the exposed security vulnerabilities.

However, implementing such changes involves high financial costs. This discovery is a significant reference point for assessing Russia’s defense capabilities and analyzing its nuclear strategy, especially amid the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

28.05.25. — Largest Prisoner Exchange Between Russia and Ukraine Since the Start of the Full-Scale Invasion

Russia and Ukraine have reached an agreement on a new prisoner exchange. At a meeting in Istanbul, both sides agreed to submit lists of candidates, with each side releasing around 1,000 prisoners, plus the possibility of an additional exchange of up to 200 people.

During a briefing, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky announced that the exchange will also include the return of the bodies of fallen soldiers, which requires careful coordination. Zelensky shared that Ukraine provided Russia with a list of nearly 400 children held in captivity, but Russia agreed to consider the return of only ten of them.

If the scope of the exchange is confirmed, it would be the largest operation of this kind, surpassing several previous exchanges carried out by both sides—such as those involving 195, 175, or 150 prisoners at different stages of the conflict. Earlier agreements were often brokered with the help of third-party mediators like the United Arab Emirates, which played a key role as an intermediary.

29.05.25. — Former Military Officer and Participant of the “Time of Heroes” Program, Who Led the Air Operation to Capture Mariupol, Killed in Explosion in Stavropol

In Stavropol, former military officer Zaur Gurjiev was murdered. Until recently, Gurjiev served as the first deputy mayor of the city. He was also a participant in the “Vremya Geroev” (“Time of Heroes”) program, a government initiative aimed at transforming war veterans into state officials.

He died on May 29, 2025, under unexplained circumstances. Since 2019, Gurjiev had commanded the Russian army’s Air Operations Center and played a key role in military actions in Ukraine, including the operation to capture Mariupol and the fighting near Avdiivka. For his merits, he was awarded multiple honors.

His engagement was also recognized within the “Time of Heroes” program, which sought to attract war veterans to public and political life. Participants in the program were to receive not only administrative training but also real opportunities to hold positions in regional and local government structures. The program, announced by the Kremlin in March 2024, was prestigious—out of thousands of applicants, fewer than a hundred of the most distinguished were selected.

The authorities intended it to be a new elite—people with frontline experience, loyal to the state, and ready to help rebuild it. However, controversies arose soon after the recruitment was announced. Independent media and human rights organizations pointed out that some participants may have been involved in war crimes in Ukraine.

Critics also highlighted the opaque selection criteria and noted that some nominees had no actual frontline experience and were merely loyal local activists. Gurjiev’s death sparked numerous speculations.

Although the official cause of the murder has not yet been disclosed, there are suggestions that it may have had political or personal motives. Another hypothesis involves conflicts of interest within local government, where the introduction of war veterans may have caused tensions.

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Adam Jankowski

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Adam Jankowski
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
    by Mikołaj Woźniak
    February 16, 2026
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    by Ksawery Stawiński
    February 16, 2026
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    by Kasjusz Matyjasek
    January 31, 2026

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