Email · kontakt@ine.org.pl
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Reports
  • Publications
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact
  • Newsletter
  • Polski
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Reports
  • Publications
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact
  • Newsletter
  • Polski
Nov 30
Central Europe, Coronavirus, Eastern Europe, NATO, Poland, Publications, Russia, Security, Ukraine

Security insecured: Central-Eastern Europe

November 30, 2020
Security Insecured: Central-Eastern EuropeDownload

Main points:

– Central-Eastern Europe presents a bright example of so-called “security vacuum”. The region comprises two groups of countries, one covered by NATO-umbrella, when the other is left unprotected.

– The Russian Federation remains the major security threat in Central-Europe, both for the NATO-member states, and NATO partner countries.

– New security threats constantly emerge in the international arena, which additionally endanger and destabilize security situation in Central-Eastern Europe. 

Introduction

The theoretical background of the analysis refers to the conjunction of classical and modern western approaches towards understanding of national security. Basing themselves on their main provisions and tending to present the short-term security perspectives of Central-Eastern Europe, the authors use a systemic approach and structural-functional analysis. Therefore, the analysis is conducted through different security levels: individual and societal level, the security of the state as an institute, security of region/subregion. Taking into account the intense debate on the precise borders of the Central Eastern European region and for the purpose of a thorough analysis, the authors have chosen the narrow interpretation, which includes the Visegrad countries, and the Eastern partnership countries those that border V4 (Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, and Moldova), but also farther ones when it is needed for the aim of the paper. Having analyzed the security situation in Central-Eastern Europe since 2014, the authors have constructed a hierarchy of key threats, which considerably influence both the countries’ domestic situations and their foreign policy, and in this way they will transform the security in the region.

Aggression of the Russian Federation

Current situation

In the context of Russian aggression, one can specify two groups of states: ones in the so-called ‘grey zone’, and others in the so-called ‘umbrella zone’. The first group includes almost all states of the Eastern Partnership, which experience direct aggression from Moscow. Some of them have already lost parts of their territory or are unable to exercise control over there (Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova); others have flash-points on their territory (Azerbaijan, Armenia). In fact, those countries are not allowed to decide how to ensure their national security. This is particularly visible when their political elites try to intensify their partnerships with NATO. Any serious moves trigger substantial counteraction from Moscow. As a separated case one can name Ukraine, which is being constantly attacked by Russia, stating that the country is part of its territory in every sense. So, the Eastern Partnership countries are fated to balance between the Russian Federation and the Western community, which leads to the domestic instability and weakening of their security, which in turn reduces the security of the Visegrad countries. The states in the so so-called ‘umbrella zone’ are called so due to their membership in NATO and the EU. Being preserved within these structures, they managed to secure economic and military positions, though countries differ in their scales of achievements. However, one should admit that internal developments within these countries, and external challenges NATO and the EU faced in the last five years, have affected the security of these states. Negative security* tendencies are visible at the individual and societal levels* (mainly in Poland and Hungary). Even more, the authorities of those states try to upgrade their national security at the expense of the individual and societal security. 

Short-term (1-3 years) perspective

The security situation will not change substantially. The risk of emerging, continued and uncontrolled aggression will be preserved, especially towards Ukraine and Georgia. Their security threats can have either predictable, characteristics or volatile circumstances (sudden need for drinkable water in Crimea, need to increase approval ratings of Putin thanks to small victorious wars, need to oppose Washington to demonstrate an independent international behavior, etc.)

Uncontrolled/Illegal migration

Current situation

Both groups that are taken into consideration in this paper suffer from migration pressures, though not equally. It constitutes a more complex security threat (simultaneously at societal and state level) for Visegrad rather than for the Eastern Partnership countries. The V4 Group has elaborated a united anti-migration strategy, positioning migrants as a security threat and consequently opposing the EU. In their turn, the Eastern Partnership countries serve as transitioning migration routes, especially those that border the EU. In the case of Ukraine, the external migration security threat is burdened by the tremendous amount of internal displaced persons (approximately 1.5 million people) and its inability to control a part of its border with Russia. 

Short-term (1-3 years) perspective

The authors believe that current situation will gradually worsen. Migration pressure on Europe, including Central-Eastern Europe, will rise due to the unstable economic situation worldwide, as well as due to the non-solutions for the existing conflicts in the Greater Middle East, which might provoke the emergence of new ones. In the case of Ukraine, internal migration will be determined by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Therefore, studied countries would be forced to deal simultaneously with a range of risk and threats at all security levels (societal, state and regional). As a result, security of the whole region will decrease.

Euroscepticism and political populism

Current situation

Rise in eurosceptisim and consequences of political populism are some of the most serious security threats in Central-Eastern Europe, though they have not reached a critical stage yet.”. The turbulent development of the European Union as an institution whose credibility was severely tested by migration crisis in 2015, Brexit and coronavirus pandemic can be defined as the major factors that have provoked the emergence of euroscepticism. The eroding institutional credibility of the EU is connected with the fact that Brussels loses its position as an attractive leader for its member-states, and especially for Visegrad countries. Additionally, China exercises considerable influence in the whole European Union, including the studied region, thus successfully challenging Brussels when offering an alternative model of cooperation and development, with no mention of the need to adhere shared EU values. The thirst for hasty solutions to complicated problems is also observed in the Eastern Partnership countries (mainly in Ukraine and Moldova). It can be argued the EU is not capable of designing workable and successful ‘euro-integration’ projects for the Eastern Partnership countries, which forces them to either look for other partners, or to keep the current unsatisfied situation. The EU’s position as a leader for Central-Eastern Europe is further weakened by aggressive and effective information warfare, which is one of the key components of so-called Russian hybrid warfare. Hungary, Czech Republic and Ukraine are to be named as the most vulnerable countries in this case.     

Short-term (1-3 years) perspective

The current situation will be preserved, euroscepticism and political populism trends will not disappear.

In the Visegrad countries, their negative influence will mainly affect their societies and individuals (such as the limitation of civil rights), but at the state and regional level the EU is still perceived as basis for their security. However, political populism will rise in the Eastern Partnership countries (especially in Ukraine), which might lead to the revision of their foreign policy perspectives, and also provoke security threats, particularly from Moscow. 

The COVID-19 pandemic crisis

Current situation

COVID-19 itself, as well as comprehensive and sudden lockdowns (with further easing of restrictions) have become a serious challenge for all Central-Eastern European countries. Border closure, foreign and domestic isolation, reduction of economic activity, and mobility restrictions have caused severe limitations of rights, freedoms and ways of life that people and societies used to practice. In the beginning, states (with the exception of Belarus due to its refusal) managed to conduct cohesive politics (though often criticized) targeted at ensuring security at every level. In Ukraine, such politics have even resulted in temporary stabilization of the state institutions. However, after few months, quarantine measures have provoked internal tensions and accusations towards authoritarian temptations of authorities (particularly, in Poland). Staged, but advised and gradual, easing of restrictions is necessary for the restoration of constitutional guarantees for societies and peoples, as well as for ensuring the security of states (renewal of pre-pandemic functioning) and the whole region of Central-Eastern Europe (recovery of interstate cooperation and dialogue, especially in the security sphere).

Short-term (1-3 years) perspective

Nearly all restriction measures will be lifted. Taking into account the reduction of the virus’ virulence and mortality rates, authors foresee only temporary localized quarantine measures, of a mainly adaptive nature. Countries of the studied region will elaborate on an agreed approach, balancing medical reasons and economic needs. Simultaneously, returning to a regular functioning will be accompanied with the regeneration of the internal and international security risks, especially for the Eastern Partnership countries (such as a recently transformed nuclear deterrence policy and the amendments to the Russian Constitution, which raise serious security concerns). Extra pressure will be generated by the global economic slowdown.   

Environmental problems

Current situation

Though environmental problems do not pose critical security threats to the countries of Central-Eastern Europe at this current stage, the situation can change rapidly, as a number of factors defining the state of the environment is in constant observation and investigation. Environmental security should be provided at every level, as declared in the official documents of studied countries. However, despite obvious and noticeable ecology problems and climatic changes, countries choose to ignore interrelation between ecology and globalization. Poland serves as an example of disobedience with its high air pollution and deforestation of Belovezhskaya Pushcha. At the same time, Visegrad countries are forced to obey the European environmental legislation and European Green Deal, which is aimed at making the EU’s economy more sustainable. Meanwhile, the Eastern Partnership countries practice lower environmental standards than declared, treating ecological threats as less menacing and direct in comparison to others, despite the growing number of ecological incidents both of natural and man-made character (the case of Ukraine is additionally burdened with the Chernobyl tragedy and its consequences to individual and societal security level).        

Short-term (1-3 years) perspective

Undoubtedly, climate and environmentally-related challenges will become more influential in the future. These challenges, which might evolve into threats, will affect both the whole studied region and every country separately at every security level, simultaneously coupling with other threats and producing cumulative effects. 

Recommendations

Based on the analysis of the major security threats for Central-Eastern Europe, the authors also define means of counterreaction:

– Structural pressure (military, political, economic, etc.) exercised by the Russian Federation is obvious in the studied region, while the so-called ‘umbrella zone’ experiences it much less. In the context of Eastern Partnership countries outside the ‘umbrella zone’ they should strive either to intensify its partnership with NATO, or to seek the full membership.

– States and societies of the studied region should take into account that traditional threats (military, political, illegal migration) will be preserved, however, new ones (like coronavirus pandemic) will intensify in the short-term perspective.

– Absence of a unified security system for all countries of Central-Eastern Europe leads to inability in both identifying security threats and reacting towards them. Thus to change and improve the situation creation of common consultation commissions with NATO is advised.

– As national security is strongly conjuncted with international security, countries of the region should promote closer cooperation to ensure both their own security and security of the region.

– Countries of Central-Eastern Europe should play more proactive role in the engagement of existing international security institutions, structures and platforms in the region to ensure security at national and regional level.

Authors:

Serhiy Troyan. Doctor Habilit. of Historical Sciences, Professor.  Professor of the Department of International Relations, Information and Regional Studies of National Aviation University (Kyiv, Ukraine), Professor of the University of Rzeszów (Poland). His research interests include world history, international relations, history of diplomacy, research methodology, foreign and domestic policy of Central and Eastern Europe (including modern Ukrainian-Polish relations). He published more than 500 scientific works in Ukrainian, English, Polish, and Russian, which are devoted to various aspects of the history of international relations. Head of the multi-volume project ‘The Great War 1914–1918: retrospective analysis’.

Olena Podvorna. Associate Professor at the National University of Ostroh Academy (Ukraine). In the past she was a visiting researcher at the Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin (Poland), the K.U.Leuven University (Belgium), the Friedrich Schiller University Jena (Germany), and the Jagiellonian University in Cracow (Poland). She holds PhD in Political Science from Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin (Poland), and her doctoral dissertation covered the problem of the U.S.-Russian Federation strategic partnership through the prism of international security. She specializes in national and international security, foreign policy, the U.S. studies, Russian studies, and the modern international security processes within the Euro-Atlantic region.

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Tumblr
  • Pinterest
  • Google+
  • LinkedIn
  • E-Mail

Related Posts

See All Publications
  • China, Indo-Pacific, Publications

Watching the 20th CCP National Party Congress from Taipei

From the perspective of Taiwan, a de facto independent sovereign state which continues to exist in the shadows of an…
  • Kuan-Ting Chen
  • January 26, 2023
  • Geopolitics, International Politics, Publications, UN

Lost and damaged: the geopolitics of belatedly tackled climate and biodiversity adaptation

The 2022 COP conferences in Sharm el-Sheikh and Montreal were, depending on who you ask, either regrettable or no short…
  • Maciej Bukowski
  • January 24, 2023
  • 3SI, Economy, Reports

“Financing the Future. How to attract more foreign investors to the Three Seas Region” [Report]

Authors: George Byczynski, Marta Kakol, Sandra Krawczyszyn, Wojciech Lieder PhD, Mateusz Ptaszek, Radosław Pyffel, Piotr Sosnowski PhD, Patryk Szczotka, Julita…
  • Julita Wilczek
  • January 16, 2023
See All Publications

Comments are closed.

Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

YouTube

Najnowsze publikacje

  • Watching the 20th CCP National Party Congress from Taipei
    by Kuan-Ting Chen
    January 26, 2023
  • Lost and damaged: the geopolitics of belatedly tackled climate and biodiversity adaptation
    by Maciej Bukowski
    January 24, 2023
  • “Financing the Future. How to attract more foreign investors to the Three Seas Region” [Report]
    by Julita Wilczek
    January 16, 2023
  • The CPC 20th National Congress: Taiwan has Become a Key Front Line in the U.S.-China Tech Rivalry
    by Claire Lin
    December 22, 2022
  • The institution of marriage and divorce in Judaism vs. in Islam
    by Aleksandra Siwek
    December 20, 2022

Categories

THE MOST POPULAR TAGS:

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org

China economy European Union International politics International security Poland Russia Security terrorism Ukraine USA

  • Home
  • Ukraine
  • Publications
  • Reports
  • Programmes
  • People
  • Contact

Funded by the National Liberty Institute – Center for Civil Society
Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030

© 2019-2020 The Institute of New Europe Foundation · All rights reserved · Support us