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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Mar 17
Analysis, China, Indo-Pacific, Publications

The Comparison of the US-China Semiconductor Competition Policies

March 17, 2025

Claire Lin is currently an Associate Engineer at Taiwan Instrument Research Institute, NARLabs, Taiwan. Her research focuses on China Studies, Non-traditional Security and Southeast Asian Studies.
Chong-Lun Wei received his Ph.D. in the Department of Materials Science and Engineering from National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University. He is currently an Assistant Engineer at Taiwan Instrument Research Institute, NARLabs, Taiwan.
Vincent Hsiao received his Ph.D. in the Department of Mechatronics Engineering, from National Changhua University of Education. He is currently a Research Fellow at Taiwan Instrument Research Institute, NARLabs, Taiwan.

The US is locked in a long-term comprehensive confrontation with China to keep its hegemony or balance the power. Innovation in emerging technologies could transform society, create new industries, foster new dependencies, and alter the character of warfare. Whichever country secures a lead in key technologies will have the balance of power tipped in its favor and will reap economic benefits far.[1]

The competition between the US and China is like an innovation race. In order to get ahead, you either run faster than others or you try to slow them down. The US semiconductor competition strategy is to run faster than China in advanced process and ban selling of cutting-edge, chip-making equipment and soft tool to China to slow down the development of China. Under these circumstances, China is trying its best to develop mature process due to the US’ export restrictions and containment. This article will compare the semiconductor competition strategies between the two countries and put forward the possible scenario.

Every Semiconductor Sub-industry is a Part of the Competition Between the US and China.

There are more than 30 types of semiconductor product categories. Developing those products requires deep hardware and software expertise, and advanced design tools and IP. In the production process of IC (integrated circuit) chips, the designed circuit diagram is first transferred to the semiconductor wafer. Through a series of procedures, an IC  is formed on the surface of the wafer, which is then cut into a piece called dies. These dies are finally wrapped in a protective shell, forming the final chip.[2] Semiconductor manufacturing involves a complex series of processes that transform raw materials into finished devices. Each step has its own unique set of challenges and opportunities.

The semiconductor industry chain can be divided into three major sectors: (1) upstream-IC design: production of IC design drawings, (2) midstream-IC manufacturing: IC manufacturing, wafer fabrication, related production process testing equipment, masks, and chemicals, and (3) downstream- IC packaging and testing: after having passed testing, the wafer is cut into bare dies, and packaging into chips.

Before manufacturing a chip, engineers must first plan the functions that the chip needs to have according to requirements, and distribute these functions on the chip. Hardware Description Language (HDL) describes the chip’s functions and puts it into program code. An Electronic Design Automation (EDA) tool allows the computer to convert the program code into a circuit diagram. Chips can be divided into 4 categories according to their functions: (1) Memory IC: used to store data, (2) Micro Component IC: a component with special data processing functions, (3) Logic IC: IC that performs logic operations, (4) Analog IC: an IC that processes analog signals, mainly used in Power Management, Amplifier, and Converter. In the IC design industry, in addition to the IC design itself, IC design tools are also part of the IC design upstream of the semiconductor supply chain.[3]

EDA software is used by engineers to design the chip specs. While chips contained thousands of transistors in the 1970s, they have more than a hundred billion today, and it’s impossible to create these designs manually. EDA software is a small but mighty part of the semiconductor supply chain, and it’s mostly controlled by three Western companies: Cadence (American), Synopsys (American), and Mentor Graphics (American but acquired by the German company Siemens in 2017). These control about 70% of the global EDA market. That gives the US a powerful point of leverage.

On August 12, 2022, the US announced a multilateral export control on certain EDA tools, blocking China and over 150 other countries—essentially any country that isn’t a traditional the US ally—from accessing them without specially granted licenses. EDA software became a weak link in the PRC’s efforts to build a leading domestic semiconductor value chain.

Once completed, the IC design enters the IC manufacturing process where the foundry must transfer the designed circuit diagram to the semiconductor wafer. These IC manufacturing equipment and IC manufacturing materials are also part of the IC industry. After the circuit on the design drawing is placed on the wafer to form the IC, it is necessary to test and package it. If the IC is usable after testing, foundry will cut the IC on the wafer into a piece of die. Because these bare dies are very fragile, they must be protected by wrapping in a shell. This encapsulated die is now the final finished “chip”. IC packaging and testing manufacturers also use chip testing and packaging equipment and materials.

US Tends to Strengthen the Development of Advanced Processes to Build a Safer and More Stable Supply Chain

The US launched three crackdowns in three years on China’s semiconductor industry. On October 7, 2022, the US Department of Commerce imposed semiconductor restrictions to expand scope of sanctions from logic ICs to memory sector.[4] On October 17, 2023, the US announced a new package of export control measures that refines and significantly tightens controls put in place almost exactly a year prior. These were intended to restrict China’s ability to obtain advanced computing chips, develop and maintain supercomputers or manufacture advanced semiconductors. On December 2, 2024, Biden-Harris Administration announced a package of rules that include:


1. new controls on 24 types of semiconductor manufacturing equipment and 3 types of software tools for developing or producing semiconductors;

2. new controls on high-bandwidth memory (HBM);

new red flag guidance to address compliance and diversion concerns;

3. 140 Entity List additions and 14 modifications spanning PRC tool manufacturers, semiconductor fabs, and investment companies involved in advancing the PRC government’s military modernization;

4. several critical regulatory changes.[5]

China has recognized the importance of high-bandwidth memory (HBM) chips as a key component of AI semiconductors, particularly as it faces challenges in AI research and development due to US export controls on AI chips. This has led China’s memory chip maker, ChangXin Memory Technologies, started producing second-generation HBM while Korea’s SK Hynix currently leads the HBM sector. Nonetheless, China still has relatively immature capability in many aspects. Although China recently began mass production of HBM2, there will be a large gap between the performance of its memory devices and those of more advanced providers in Korea and the US.

The Framework for Artificial Intelligence Diffusion, introduced by the Biden administration on January 13, 2025 before it departed office, incorporates measures designed to make developing frontier AI models off-limits to all countries in the world except the United States and a select group of allies. The framework divides the countries into three groups. The first one (whitelisted countries)features 18 US allies that have explicitly aligned themselves with Washington in their stance and policies toward China, particularly in the area of export controls. The second (prohibited countries) includes China and other countries regarded as adversaries by the US, such as Russia, North Korea, and Iran. The third (all other countries) is the largest and comprises the rest of the world.

Biden-Harris Administration chose a “small-yard, high-fence” strategy to place strict restrictions on a small number of technologies with significant military potential. It aimed to slow the PRC’s development of advanced AI that will change the future of warfare such as advanced-node integrated circuits and the equipment used to produce them.[6] The US is not only restricting China’s access to chips, but trying to boost its own industry and the US-led supply chains thus further widening the technological gap.

China is Forced to Development Mature Process IDM to Establish “Made in China” Price

China has ramped up spending on semiconductor development since the US-led export controls have explicitly targeted the Chinese chip industry, seeking to starve it of the critical components needed to accelerate progress in artificial intelligence (AI) and military innovation.[7] These strategies, while partly successful in slowing China down in the short term, have made China seek to achieve self-sufficiency in all facets of the semiconductor industry, simultaneously reducing its reliance on foreign competitors while attempting to build competitive enterprises.

Making the most advanced semiconductors requires cutting-edge lithography to print the small, complex circuit designs onto microchips. Netherlands-based ASML is the only company in the world that can make those machines.

But the Dutch government has banned the sale of its most advanced deep ultraviolet (EUV) machines to China for several years. China appears to be taking a leaf out of its traditional playbook such as electric vehicles (EVs) that has involved multi-year plans and subsidies to support semiconductor development to create a “huge and protected market” for Chinese companies to quickly build up scale.

China’s mature-node chip market produced at 28 nanometers (nm) and above is well-recognized, augmented by rapidly expanding markets for electric-vehicle batteries and solar cells. Mature process technology is far more pervasive across global supply chains than technologies such as EDA software and compound semiconductors, increasing the importance of China’s leverage in the domain. China’s share of global mature-node production is expected to grow from 33% in 2023 to 37% in 2032.[8] TrendForce reports that China is planning or constructing at least 32 large-scale wafer fabrication plants, which focus on the 28nm+ processes widely used for commodity chips in household appliances and the car industry.[9]

China could lead to oversupply in the global market and the dumping of certain chips that drives prices down and inducing foreign manufacturing firms to buy more of them. Domestic subsidies allow Chinese semiconductor firms to compete in markets without the need for market-based rates of return. This could leave Chinese chipmakers in control of a strategically important segment of the semiconductor market.

If Chinese production prices make western manufacturers out of the market, China’s chipmakers could gain control of a strategically important segment of the global semiconductor industry. This issue is strategically important partly because mature-node chips are constantly being refined in line with new requirements and applications – and are foundational to the aerospace and defence sectors.

Semiconductor Development is About to Enter “One World, Two Systems”

There are potential implications for other nations and international alliances from the rivalry between the United States and China in these areas. Moreover, the outcome of this competition may influence future technological norms and standards, affecting global markets and innovations.

With the confrontation continuing to escalate, China is ramping up its investment and R&D activity in terms of critical industries such as semiconductors to accelerate the development of a closed-loop tech ecosystem. While Chinese firms would likely take years to catch-up with these established global players, China and the US have certainly lost trust in each other. The threat of a schism developing in the global economy and semiconductor supply chain is certainly growing.

It does seem as if the “one world, two systems”, is fast becoming a reality. The development of the whole semiconductor industry in the world will be divided into the US-led towards advanced process-oriented supply chain and China-led towards mature process-oriented. The Chinese government is taking the lead in priming the pumps in supporting this massive capacity expansion to pursuit total self-reliance. After that, Chinese low price chips will flood into foreign markets to hurt other country’s vendors. The question for friends and allies of the United States is how to balance the increasingly difficult and competitive relationship between China and the United States.

Conclusion

Biden administration’s containment policy on semiconductor may encourage China’s local development. Chinese vendors can’t buy foreign equipment, but turn to buy local equipment, which gives them more opportunities for “trial and error” to optimizes Chinese products. In Graham Allison’s book “Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’ Trap?” showed that when a rising power threatens to displace a ruling one, the most likely outcome is war. International relations scholars John Mearsheimer and Robert Kagan also affirm that China’s ability and willingness to reshape the international order are increasing, just as the United States’ capacity to preserve the status quo is declining.

However, Trump 2.0 may willingly move the United States away from path dependency to avoid war with Beijing. Trump and his team should utilize the strategy of “America first” to steer US–China policy toward an aversion of conflict. That centers on two policy directions. The first is promoting American jobs and economic interests, which rely on stable relations with Beijing. The second is consolidating core US alliances and partnerships in Asia, rather than proliferating security agreements and overextending American security commitments. As such, Trump and his vision of “America first” just might be capable of improving the Sino-American relationship. [10]


[1] Ardi Janjeva, Seungjoo Lee, Harish Bhaskaran, Seoin Baek and Hyunjin Lee, “Semiconductor Supply Chains, AI and Economic Statecraft: A framework for UK-Korea strategic cooperation,” CETaS Research Reports , April 9, 2024, https://cetas.turing.ac.uk/publications/semiconductor-supply-chains-ai-and-economic-statecraft

[2] What Is the Semiconductor Supply Chain? Market Prospects, Jul 26, 2021,

https://www.market-prospects.com/articles/what-is-the-semiconductor-industry-chain

[3] What Is the Semiconductor Supply Chain? Market Prospects, Jul 26, 2021,

https://www.market-prospects.com/articles/what-is-the-semiconductor-industry-chain

[4] U.S. Department of Commerce Again Imposes Restrictions on China, Expanding Scope of Sanctions from Logic ICs to Memory Sector, TrendForce,

https://www.trendforce.com/presscenter/news/20221008-11411.html

[5] Commerce Strengthens Export Controls to Restrict China’s Capability to Produce Advanced Semiconductors for Military Applications, December 2, 2024, Bureau of Industry & Security,

https://www.bis.gov/press-release/commerce-strengthens-export-controls-restrict-chinas-capability-produce-advanced

[6] Commerce Strengthens Export Controls to Restrict China’s Capability to Produce Advanced Semiconductors for Military Applications, December 2, 2024, Bureau of Industry & Security, https://www.bis.gov/press-release/commerce-strengthens-export-controls-restrict-chinas-capability-produce-advanced

[7] Ardi Janjeva, Seoin Baek, Andy Sellars, “China’s Quest for Semiconductor Self-Sufficiency: The impact on UK and Korean industries”, CETaS Research Reports , 4 December, 2024, https://cetas.turing.ac.uk/publications/chinas-quest-semiconductor-self-sufficiency

[8] Raj Varadarajan,  Iacob Koch-Weser,  Christopher Richard,  Joseph Fitzgerald, Jaskaran Singh, Mary Thornton, and Robert Casanova, “Emerging Resilience in the Semiconductor Supply Chain”, Boston Consulting Group and Semiconductor Industry Association, May 2024, p14.

[9] Dan Robinson, “Fear of commodity chip flood sparks EU probe into China silicon ambitions,” The Register, 8 July 2024, https://www.theregister.com/2024/07/08/eu_china_commodity_chips/.

[10] Nicholas Borroz, Hunter Marston, “How Trump can Avoid War with China”, Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, 31 August 2017, https://doi.org/10.1002/app5.191.


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Claire Lin Claire Lin is currently an Associate Engineer at Taiwan Instrument Research Institute, NARLabs, Taiwan. Her research focuses on China Studies, Non-traditional Security and Southeast Asian Studies.

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Claire Lin Claire Lin is currently an Associate Engineer at Taiwan Instrument Research Institute, NARLabs, Taiwan. Her research focuses on China Studies, Non-traditional Security and Southeast Asian Studies.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
    by Mikołaj Woźniak
    February 16, 2026
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    by Ksawery Stawiński
    February 16, 2026
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    by Kasjusz Matyjasek
    January 31, 2026

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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