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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
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Jul 09
China, New technologies, Publications

The Dragonfly Project: how do economic advantages prevail over human rights in US-China relations?

July 9, 2024

Key findings:

  • Google attempted to enter the Chinese market a few times, with the Dragonfly Project being the biggest on so far
  • The Dragonfly was a ready-to-launch censored search engine, which would not inform the users about the censorship
  • The project has been shut down because of the criticism

Introduction

While political tensions between the US and China remain high, economic ones are equally significant. China, with its vast market, continues to attract international companies. However, this market entry often requires compromising certain values, as operating in China without fully adhering to the rules of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is heavily sanctioned, if not impossible. Even if a multinational company decides to enter China and comply with the CCP, there is another downside: its product may fail to meet the expectations of Western consumers, even before its release.

This essay will examine Google’s unsuccessful attempt to enter the Chinese market in 2018. I will begin by introducing the historical background of Google’s secret project. Next, I will analyze the specifics of the search engine and the criticism it received. Finally, I will connect the findings with ethical considerations and highlight the key mechanisms that prioritize economic advantages over human rights.


The historical background

As mentioned above, the Chinese market has been too attractive for big companies to ignore. The potential of over 1 billion customers also drew Google’s interest in 2004, when the company started investing in the Chinese search engine Baidu.

However, just two years later, in 2006, Google sold its shares in Baidu and began planning to build and own its business in China. That same year saw the launch of Google.cn, a search engine censored in accordance with the CCP s regulations. This move prompted Congressional hearings and public criticism, with some comparing the company to Nazis [1]. In response, Google stated that “while removing search results is inconsistent with our mission, providing no information is more inconsistent with our mission” [2]. Unfortunately, this mission would soon change.

However, it is worth noting why the criticism of Google.cn, despite being harsh, did not lead to its shutdown. The key distinction between Google.cn and the later Project Dragonfly lies in the former’s ability to notify users if the information they searched for was purposefully deleted [3]. In contrast, the Dragonfly did not plan to include such notifications. This meant that a user seeking information about the events in Tiananmen Square in 1989 might simply receive results indicating the absence of such an event, without any indication that the information had been censored.

Despite this, Google.cn remained operational until 2010. In that year, a cyberattack targeted the Gmail accounts of Chinese human rights activists living abroad, prompting the company to end its activities in mainland China [4]. This cyberattack was part of Operation Aurora [5], which was a series of cyberattacks by a state-sponsored group with connections to the People’s Liberation Army (Chinese military) [6]. Discussions with the Chinese government yielded no results, and given that the cyberattack exemplified the restriction of free speech, Google decided to withdraw from China. Instead, it redirected Chinese citizens to google.hk, the Hong Kong search engine that is purportedly uncensored [7]. However, immediately after this transfer, the Chinese government blocked Chinese users’ access to certain results on this engine [8].

The Dragonfly

In 2018, an employee leaked information about Google’s secret project, Dragonfly. Dragonfly was a search engine designed to comply with CCP censorship guidelines, and over 100 Google employees were involved in the project [9]. The engine’s design aimed to link users’ mobile phone numbers with their search queries while also suppressing websites like Wikipedia and those that disseminated information on freedom of speech, democracy, or human rights [10] [11] [12]. Additionally, as mentioned earlier, searches on Dragonfly for such topics would yield no information about censorship. Moreover, the Dragonfly Project intentionally manipulated even weather and air pollution data to avoid alerting citizens about the severity of the country’s air pollution [13]. Launching this search engine would therefore pose a serious risk to citizens’ health. Furthermore, According to the leaked information, the project’s future may be “unpredictable”, but the search engine was expected to be ready for launch in “six to nine months” [14] [15].

The vast market potential in the Middle Kingdom likely motivated Google to make a second attempt at entering China. From 2010, when Google left China, to 2018 and the emergence of the Dragonfly project, the number of internet users in China surged by 70%, reaching almost 800 million people [16] [17]. The economic implications for Google would be immense, particularly considering that the largest portion of its revenues comes from advertisements [18].

However, there remained a risk. By 2018, Chinese users already had trust in two well-established search engines: Baidu and Sogou. Additionally, these search engines had formal partnerships with Windows and WeChat (the Chinese text messaging and payment service). Hence, even with the launch of the Dragonfly project, Google could face considerable challenges in attracting new customers and altering their browsing habits [19].

Google executives claimed that the project was in an “exploratory” or “early” stage when information about the censored search engine leaked [20] [21]. However, a confidential memo revealed that the Dragonfly project was actually in a “launch-ready state”, pending approval from Beijing. Furthermore, it disclosed that work on the project had been ongoing for at least a year, involving multiple employees working full-time [22].

The criticism

Criticism of the project came from various quarters. The public was appalled and staged protests outside Google offices, holding signs such as “Do the right thing, Sundar Pichai” (Sundar Pichai has been the CEO of Google since 2015) or “Hey Google, don’t be a brick in the Chinese Firewall” [23].

Employees provided another facet of the critique. Over 500 of them signed an open letter in collaboration with Amnesty International, urging Google to shut down the Dragonfly Project. They expressed that they had joined Google “with the company’s values in mind, including its previous position on Chinese censorship and surveillance, and an understanding that Google was a company willing to place its values above its profits” [24].

The criticism also amplified the voices of those directly involved in the project. Yonatan Zunger, the lead engineer, disclosed that he had raised concerns about the project in one of the earliest secret meetings. However, his opinions were ignored [25].

While not all voices raised after the leak were negative, Chinese professor Bai Tongdong argued that even Google, in its censored version, would offer Chinese citizens better information than current search engines. He did not endorse censorship, but he advocated for the approach of doing less harm. However, this perspective did not persuade Western advocates. Rebecca MacKinnon, an expert in internet freedom, rejected the “if you can’t beat ‘em, join ‘em” approach as unjustifiable in this case [26].

Amid this ongoing criticism, Google’s CEO Pichai did not abandon the project. He emphasized that Google’s mission is to provide information for everyone, noting that China represents 20% of the world’s population. Pichai also stated that Google must  continually balance a set of values, adapting to the free speech and user privacy regulations in each country where it operates [27].

The shutdown

In July 2019, Google’s vice president of public policy, Karan Bhatia, announced the termination of Project Dragonfly during his testimony before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee. Despite pressure from senators, Bhatia did not make a promise that Google would never again attempt to operate in China. Instead, he stated, “What we’re willing to commit to, Senator, is that any decision to look at going back into the China search market is one that we would take only in consultation with key stakeholders” [28] [29] [30].

The analysis

The rationale behind Google’s decision to enter China remains economic. While the executives’ reasoning about providing information  to everyone sounds official and well-grounded, the actual reasons for shutting down the project may be more complex. The criticism may have influenced the decision, yet it is worth considering that Beijing may have been dissatisfied with the project’s final results. Additionally, rising concerns from multiple sides likely hindered the project’s progress and implementation.

This case serves as a perfect example of economic advantages prevailing over human rights. In such instances, the strategy of “choosing the lesser evil” should not be considered because human rights should never be subject to debate.

Works Cited

  • BBC. “Google’s Project Dragonfly ‘terminated’ in China”, July 17, 2019, www.bbc.com/news/technology-49015516, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Bergen, Mark. “Google CEO Tells Staff China Plans Are ‘Exploratory’ After Backlash”, August 17, 2018, www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-08-17/google-ceo-is-said-to-tell-staff-china-pla ns-are-exploratory, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Clayton, Mark. “Stealing US business secrets: Experts ID two huge cyber ‘gangs’ in China”, September 14, 2012 www.csmonitor.com/USA/2012/0914/Stealing-US-business-secrets-Experts-ID-two-huge-cyber-gangs-in-China, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • CNN Business. “Google to censor itself in China”, January 26, 2006, edition.cnn.com/2006/BUSINESS/01/25/google.china/, Accessed December 8, 2018
  • Council on Foreign Relations. Cyber Operations Tracker, www.cfr.org/cyber-operations/, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Cuthberston, Antony. “Google finally says it will kill censored Chinese search engine Project Dragonfly”, July 25, 2019, www.independent.co.uk/tech/google-china-ban-project-dragonfly-search-engine-project- a9007956.html, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Dal Bo, Ernesto and Guo, Xu. “Google’s Dragonfly: The Ethics of Providing a Censored Search Engine in China”, University of California, Berkeley, 2020, sk.sagepub.com/cases/google-dragonfly-ethics-providing-censored-search-engine-china, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Fernández Campbell, Alexia. “Google’s censored search engine for China is sparking a moral crisis within the company”, September 25, 2018, www.vox.com/2018/9/25/17901252/google-employee-dragonfly-china-project, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Gallagher, Ryan. “Google China prototype links searches to phone numbers”, September 14, 2018, theintercept.com/2018/09/14/google-china-prototype-links-searches-to-phone-numbers/, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Google Employees Against Dragonfly, “We are Google employees. Google must drop Dragonfly.”, November 27, 2018, medium.com/@googlersagainstdragonfly/we-are-google-employees-google-must-drop-dr agonfly-4c8a30c5e5eb, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Humphries, Matthew. “Report: Google Dragonfly Links Phone Numbers to Search Results”, September 17, 2018, uk.pcmag.com/search-2/117435/report-google-dragonfly-links-phone-numbers-to-search- results, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Lee, Dave. “Leak chips away at Google’s secrecy on China”, October 10, 2018, www.bbc.com/news/technology-45807064, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Pham, Sherisse. “Google might return to China. Here’s why that’s so controversial”, October 1, 2018, edition.cnn.com/2018/10/01/tech/google-china-censorship/index.html, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Simonite, Tom. “Google Wants China. Will Chinese Users Want Google?” October 19, 2018, www.wired.com/story/google-wants-china-will-chinese-users-want-google/, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Smith, Noah. “Google’s prototype Chinese search engine links searches to phone numbers”, September 19, 2018, www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/sep/18/google-china-dragonfly-search-engine, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • South China Morning Post. “Google had hoped to launch Dragonfly in ‘six to nine months’, according to leaked transcript of internal meeting”, October 10, 2018, www.scmp.com/tech/big-tech/article/2167831/google-had-hoped-launch-dragonfly-six-ni ne-months-according-leaked?campaign=2167831&module=perpetual_scroll_0&pgtype= article, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Su, Jeb. “Confirmed: Google Terminated Project Dragonfly, Its Censored Chinese Search Engine”, July 19, 2019 www.forbes.com/sites/jeanbaptiste/2019/07/19/confirmed-google-terminated-project-dra gonfly-its-censored-chinese-search-engine/?sh=61754a8d7e84, Accessed May 1, 2024
  • Vincent, James. “Whistleblower reveals Google’s plans for censored search in China”, August 1, 2018, www.theverge.com/2018/8/1/17638480/google-china-search-engine-censored-report, Accessed May 1, 2024

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Małgorzata Czarnik student at New York University, where she is majoring in law and mathematics. Her education is supported by the Rafal Brzoska Foundation. Małgorzata's research interests include migration and US-China relations. Małgorzata has already conducted research under the supervision of Dr. Agata Hauser of Adam Mickiewicz University, and has received a grant for her future research. She also has experience as an intern at the Osborne-Clarke law firm and a winner of the Ministry of Justice's Academy of Law Leaders.

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Małgorzata Czarnik student at New York University, where she is majoring in law and mathematics. Her education is supported by the Rafal Brzoska Foundation. Małgorzata's research interests include migration and US-China relations. Małgorzata has already conducted research under the supervision of Dr. Agata Hauser of Adam Mickiewicz University, and has received a grant for her future research. She also has experience as an intern at the Osborne-Clarke law firm and a winner of the Ministry of Justice's Academy of Law Leaders.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review December 2025
    by Konrad Falkowski
    January 11, 2026
  • Syria — a year after Assad’s fall
    by Filip Grzebuła
    December 20, 2025
  • Christian migrants from South Sudan in Egipt
    by Maciej Pawłowski
    December 20, 2025

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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