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Feb 16
Analysis, Europe, Publications, Russia, Ukraine

The economy in the times of war. One year after the Russian invasion

February 16, 2023

The threat was ignored, and now the war has been going on for a year. This is a turning point for people and the world. This date marked a turning point for many people, dividing their life unlike ever before. In the modern world, no event occurs only in the vacuum; instead it permeates all dimensions of life – social, ecological, cultural, political, etc. The economic measurement is also essential because when we talk about losses and support, we also think about the destruction of the economy and infrastructure, the well-being of the population, and the money needed for recovery. When we talk about survival, we also mean businesses that manage to survive and develop. In this article, we will try to present the degree of the damage done to the Ukrainian economy one year on since the conflict began.

The assessment of the economy of any country is usually based on indicators of GDP, inflation, unemployment, and the exchange rate of the national currency (the citizens of Poland also discussed these issues during this year and felt a shock when the value of euro breached the 5 zlotys threshold [1]). So then, what about Ukraine?

In January 2022, the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) forecasted economic growth of up to 3.4%, and the slowing of the inflation rate to 7.7% [2]. Numbers were based on the assumption that the consequences of previous crises would be overcome. But after February 24th, 2022, the situation changed dramatically, and forecasts at various times indicated a decrease in GDP ranging from 32 to 45% [3,4].

According to the official data from the previous year, the GDP declined by 30.3% [5], which constituted the most significant downfall in the history of the independent Ukraine (Fig. 1). The second quarter was the most difficult, but the fourth was also devastating to the economy due to widespread blackouts. Therefore, the NBU notes that the stability of the energy system is an essential condition for the realization of the forecasts, in particular, the growth of the economy by 4.1% in 2024 and 6.4% in 2025. The Ministry of Economy predicts that the difficulty with ensuring stability may worsen the forecasts by 3-9%.

Fig. 1. GDP dynamic. Source: Center of Economic Strategy

In December 2022, consumer inflation in annual terms was 26.6% and was practically unchanged when compared with the rates of price growth in November (26.5%) and October (26.6%) [6,7]. However, there are significant differences in inflation rates for different groups of products, particularly under the influence of increased business production costs and still complicated logistics. Thus, against the background of electricity shortages, the prices of products whose production is energy-intensive requiring heat treatment or cold storage have risen. The examples include meat, dairy, oil products, confectionery, soft drinks, and canned goods. For instance, prices for eggs increased year on year by 76.6%, fruits by 73.8%, vegetables by 51.8%, and fish by 45.8%. Prices for fuel and lubricants increased by 69.4% in the span of 12 months as well. In agriculture alone, the cost of logistics has increased at least fivefold due to the Russian blockade of ports and the destruction of infrastructure [8]. The situation varies also in regards to territorial distribution; for example, in December, prices fell in the Kherson region, of which a large part was liberated in November (-4% m-o-m).

Despite the war, inflationary processes in Ukraine remain under control, and the NBU predicts a moderate slowdown in inflation in 2023. A consistent economic policy will facilitate this with international partners’ support and a global easing of inflation.

At the same time, consumer inflation in Ukraine will continue to remain high. In addition, risks to inflationary processes and deterioration of expectations remain profound, mainly due to a possible escalation on the front, as well as continued missile attacks by Russia which result in electricity shortages.

The Ukrainian private sector is expected to experience a drop in confidence among businesses. Despite headwinds the companies are on the lookout for new development opportunities. Thus, Business Confidence in Ukraine increased to 83.50 points in the fourth quarter of 2022 from 79.50 points in the third quarter of 2022 (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2 Business Confidence [9]

The war increased risks and uncertainties, creating barriers to the free movement of means of production, including workforce. The war led to the destruction of labor market institutions and negatively affected their functioning. Problems in the economy, combined with significant internal displacement and refugee flows, lead to large-scale losses in employment and income. Rising unemployment, social exclusion, gender inequality, workplace discrimination (including the youth), and the spread of poverty are among the war’s most negative social consequences.

It is difficult to answer the question about the number of unemployed because currently, no state body knows exactly how many Ukrainians live in the country. Usually, the data is prepared by the State Statistics Service, but since February 24th, such studies are not being conducted.

The ILO believes that in 2022 the level of employment in Ukraine will be 15.5% lower than in 2021. That is, there will be 2.4 million more unemployed people than in 2021[10]. This forecast is far more optimistic than the ILO’s estimate in April 2022, shortly after the conflict began, indicating a loss of 4.8 million jobs. The positive change is a consequence of the decrease in the number of territories of Ukraine under occupation or under active hostilities. However, the partial recovery of the labor market is modest and very fragile.

If we consider that, according to the International Labor Organization, 15-17 million people of working age live in Ukraine, then according to the data from fig. 3, almost one in three lost their job.

Fig. 3 Unemployment, according to the different organization’s assessments, millions of people [11]

According to the UN data, almost 13 million people left Ukraine after the full-scale invasion, 8.12 million returned, and 4.77 million received temporary protected status in the European Union [12]. However, even these data points do not illustrate the situation in its entirety. In particular, they do not include people who were deported to Russia by the occupiers.

The physical destruction of objects also causes unemployment. According to the European Business Association, 53% of its members work with restrictions, and 3% have stopped working. As a result, 15% of the companies surveyed by the association reduced employment or sent its staff on unpaid leave. The predicted reduction in employment at agricultural enterprises in 2023 will be 22%, including  formal and informal employment [8].

Also, because of the war, there is a decrease in wages since there are significantly more unemployed people as opposed to the vacancies. The share of the population with incomes lower than the actual living wage, which for working-age persons in 2022 is UAH 2,481, can reach 70% [13].

According to one of the academics at the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine E. Libanova: “Ukraine will lose many people: due to the increase in mortality and the decrease in the birth rate. Many children who would have been born were not born in 2022, and even more so, will not be so in 2023. If the war drags on even longer, such a trend might continue into 2024 . And the most significant influence (on the number of the population – ed.) will be the numerical migration”[14] According to her expectations, after the end of the war, more than a third of those who left due to hostilities abroad may return to Ukraine, and the rest will remain outside the country for a temporary shelter.

The devaluation of the national currency, though expected, was also one of the more destabilizing factors in 2022. To avoid panic, on July 21, 2022, the NBU adjusted the official exchange rate of the hryvnia to the US dollar by 25% to UAH 36.5686 per US dollar because of the change in the fundamental characteristics of Ukraine’s economy during the war and the strengthening of the US dollar against other currencies.

In particular, it was a response to panic forecasts regarding the exchange rate growth for the psychologically uncomfortable mark of UAH 50 per US dollar [15]. It is not the secret how much panicky moods accelerate devaluation and lead to currency shortages in bank cash registers (a classic manifestation of a self-fulfilling prophecy).

Also, according to the NBU’s comment, such a step made it possible to increase the competitiveness of Ukrainian manufacturers, bring exchange rates closer to different groups of businesses and the population, and support the economy’s stability in wartime conditions [16]. Several restrictions were also introduced; in particular, a monthly limit was established for payments abroad using hryvnia payment cards for UAH 100,000 (equivalent) from all client bank accounts opened in the national currency.

Among the turbulences caused by Russian aggression against Ukraine, the hryvnia is also being pressured by the lack of funds at the state’s disposal. The economy is shrinking; profits are falling, while spending, primarily on defense and social support for various population segments, is growing disproportionately. For example, it has already been announced that authorities want to provide at least a trillion hryvnias in the 2023 budget for national security and defense alone (versus 287 billion hryvnias, as was the case under the “pre-war” Law on the State Budget-2022).

All in all we can confidently say that 2022 was both challenging and unpredictable. Despite these manifold issues Ukraine proved adept at slowing the downfall, and the macroeconomic results of the year proved better than expected. However, they still remain the worst in the entire history since the independence (except for inflation, because Ukraine already has had a period of hyperinflation in its history). The data is as follows the fall in GDP – 30.3%, inflation – 26.6%, unemployment – 28.3%, devaluation of the national currency by 35.5%.

It is worth summarizing with economic expectations for the next year, 2023 [17], the year of the war. Two scenarios of further developments are proposed for macroeconomic forecasting. Basic – provides for a relatively quick restoration of the power system thanks to repairs and operational supplies of equipment. Pessimistic – considers more significant destruction of energy-generating enterprises and main networks, temporary shutdown of some NPP units due to reduced system adaptability, significant losses in heat and gas supply, and long-term power outages in those regions of Ukraine most vulnerable to energy shortfalls.

According to governmental expectations and forecasting, in 2023, inflation will slow to 18.7%, and real GDP will grow only marginally – by 0.3%. Inflation will continue to decline in the coming years, and the economy will fully recover primarily due to the expected reduction in the risks associated with security. [5]. The unemployment rate in Ukraine in 2023 will remain at the level of 26%. In the following years however, it is expected to decrease, to 20% in 2024 and 17.6% in 2025.

At the same time, forecasts conducted during a full-scale war do not give an accurate picture (for example, the IMF predicts GDP growth of 1%, the Ministry of Economy of Ukraine by 3.2%, Oxford Economics by 2.3%, and Dragon Capital by 5%). In the foreseeable future, Ukraine will continue to fight, the economy will continue to work, and this intensification will directly depend on the intensity and nature of military operations (and here, international assistance is essential and badly-needed). Ukraine and Ukrainians already have a year of experience of opening new businesses during the war, paying taxes in order to support the Armed Forces, and adapting to new places, conditions, and logistics. It won’t be immediate changes for the best, but everyone contributes to ensure the economy continues to operate. All this means that a military victory, safeguarding of our independence and rebuilding of Ukraine can be achieved in concert. 

Foto: PAP/Abaca         

References:

  1. Można to nazwać paniką (07.03.2022) Money PL – https://www.money.pl/pieniadze/zloty-jest-najtanszy-w-historii-mozna-to-nazwac-panika-6744718570912352a.html  (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  2. Інфляційний звіт (28.01.2022) НБУ –  https://bank.gov.ua/ua/news/all/u-2022-rotsi-zrostannya-ekonomiki-prishvidshitsya-do-34-inflyatsiya-spovilnitsya-do-77-ta-povernetsya-do-tsili-5-u-2023-rotsi–inflyatsiyniy-zvit  (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  3. Ukraine. GDP Data (2023) WoldBank – https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ukraine and https://www.focus-economics.com/country-indicator/ukraine/gdp (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  4.  Ukraine (2023) IMF –  https://www.imf.org/en/Countries/UKR  (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  5. Інфляційний звіт (0.01.2023) НБУ –  https://bank.gov.ua/ua/news/all/natsionalniy-bank-prognozuye-znijennya-inflyatsiyi-v-tsomu-rotsi-ta-povnotsinne-vidnovlennya-ekonomiki-z-2024-roku–inflyatsiyniy-zvit (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  6. Коментар (11.01.2023) Національного банку щодо рівня інфляції у 2022 році, НБУ – https://bank.gov.ua/ua/news/all/komentar-natsionalnogo-banku-schodo-rivnya-inflyatsiyi-u-2022-rotsi (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  7. Економічна статистика (2023) Державна служба статистики – https://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/operativ/menu/menu_u/cit.htm (Accessed 08.02.2023) 
  8. Аналіз впливу війни на агросектор України (Грудень 2022), Центр економічного відродження –  – https://drive.google.com/file/d/1kQ0gq7f9oq06BMltnZSBcD3neDv2SlCy/view (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  9. Business Confidence. Ukraine (2023) Trading economics – https://tradingeconomics.com/ukraine/business-confidence (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  10. ILO response to the Ukraine crisis (November, 2022), ILO – https://www.ilo.org/budapest/what-we-do/projects/ukraine-crisis/lang–en/index.htm (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  11. Вінокуров Я. (8.12.2022) В Мільйони українців втратили роботу через війну, Економічна правда – https://www.epravda.com.ua/publications/2022/12/8/694732 (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  12. Ukraine Data Portal (08.02.2023) UNHCR – https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/ukraine (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  13. Ринок праці в умовах війни (Липень 2022) Аналітична записка, Центр Розумкова – https://razumkov.org.ua/images/2022/07/18/2022-ANALIT-ZAPIS-PISHULINA-2.pdf (Accessed 08.02.2023) 
  14. Е. Лібанова (26.12.2023) Як війна позначиться на кількості населення України, Радіо свободи – https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/news-ukrayina-demografichna-sutyatsiya/32194324.html (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  15. Долар по 50 (8 лютого 2023) УкрІнформ https://www.ukrinform.ua/rubric-economy/3567323-dolar-po-50-koli-grivna-opustitsa-do-novoi-psihologicnoi-poznacki.html (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  16. Щодо валютного регулювання (9 липня 2022), НБУ – https://bank.gov.ua/ua/news/all/nbu-zafiksuvav-ofitsiyniy-kurs-grivni-do-dolara-ssha-na-novomu-rivni-ta-vjiv-nizku-dodatkovih-zahodiv-dlya-zbalansuvannya-valyutnogo-rinku-ta-pidtrimannya-stiykosti-ekonomiki-v-umovah-viyni (Accessed 08.02.2023)
  17. An interview with General Valery Zaluzhny, head of Ukraine’s armed forces (December 15 2022) The Economicst – https://www.economist.com/zaluzhny-transcript (Accessed 08.02.2023)

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Prof. Liubov V. Zharova Prof. Liubov V. Zharova. Professor at Wyższa Szkoła Ekonomiczno - Humanistyczna (Poland), Dr. Sci (Economics), Associated prof. and Head of International Economic Relations, Business and Management Department at the Ukrainian-American Concordia University (Kyiv).

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Prof. Liubov V. Zharova Prof. Liubov V. Zharova. Professor at Wyższa Szkoła Ekonomiczno - Humanistyczna (Poland), Dr. Sci (Economics), Associated prof. and Head of International Economic Relations, Business and Management Department at the Ukrainian-American Concordia University (Kyiv).
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

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Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

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The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

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He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

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Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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Latest publications

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  • Polish-Czech Forum 2023: Czech Foreign Policy. Interview with Šárka Shoup [Part 2]
    by Michał Banasiak
    September 19, 2023
  • Outcomes of the 2023 Bucharest Three Seas Initiative Summit
    by Julita Wilczek
    September 13, 2023
  • Czech-Polish Forum 2023: Challenges and Perspectives of Polish-Czech Cooperation discussed by Karel Sál [Part 1]
    by Michał Banasiak
    September 12, 2023

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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