On January 6, 1992, the Declaration of Independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was passed. According to it, Nagorno-Karabakh had its own parliament, president, executive and judicial bodies, as well as an army, which was considered one of the better armed and trained armies in the Caucasus. However, the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, which existed within Azerbaijan from 1992-2023, was not recognized by any country in the world, not even Armenia. Formally, always, according to the provisions of international law, Nagorno-Karabakh was within the borders of Azerbaijan. The official date of dissolution of state structures is January 1, 2024 [1]. The European Union (EU) has not explicitly taken sides in the conflict, and the positions of its institutions have differed. The EU has acted mainly reactively by providing humanitarian aid and issuing statements of non-recognition of events taking place in the self-proclaimed republic, such as elections. The EU was criticized for tardiness, excessive liberality about Azerbaijan’s behaviour and maintaining trade relations [2]
This research seeks to explore the actions taken by European Commission (EC) and European Parliament (EP) and to show what this had revealed about EU’s foreign policy approach to conflicts, particularly in terms of coherence and incoherence.
EU actorness in foreign policy
Usually the word ,,actorness” refers to external actions and behaviour. Bretherton and Vogler identified four requirements for actorness, which are (1) commitment to a set of overarching shared values and principles, (2) domestic legitimation of decision-making process that relate to external policy, (3) the ability to identify policy priorities and to formulate policies that are coherent and consistent and finally (4) the availability and capacity to utilize different policy instruments [3].
EU has emerged and it still emerging as a global actor not only in foreign policy but in many polices across all areas of its activity. Due to EU’s demographic, economics but also to its ideologies (values) the Union has a significant impact on the rest of the world which creates expectations from the outside. The role of EU’s increased because the Union grow as an institutionalized polity, but it is important to remember that in the absence of its action, presence will diminish [4].
It is important to point out that different set of instruments is needed depending on the type of Foreign Policy Relation (FPRs) and on the Foreign Policy Issue Area (FPIAs). The nature of the EU’s actions is influenced by both closeness of the crisis to its borders and the policy area it concerns [5].
European Commission in the field of foreign policy contributes to peacekeeping on a global scale, promotes democracy, rule of law and defends human rights. EC by police and military actions supports global security and preserve peace [6].
Since 1953 European Parliament has been a protagonist in European integration and it gained power at the significant stages of EI. EP competences and power in foreign policy are like the ones that national parliaments hold, mainly control of budget and ratification of treaty. EP committees and inter-parliamentary delegations influence politics on a global scale. The Committees for example hold hearings on the nomination of new members of the EC, they have role in preparing the EP’s position and in the eventual ratification of new treaties. Interparliamentary delegations are like non-legislative committees, and their task is to work with parliamentary institutions around the world [7].
Policy effectiveness and coherence in EU’s foreign policy
Since the European Union is commonly known as one of the most important global actors it holds certain expectations in areas of international conflict resolution, stabilization and spreading its values, like human right protection and democracy. The effectiveness and coherence in EU’s Foreign Policy are key indicators of the Union’s capacity to resolve international conflicts and contribute to building a stable and peaceful world.
Main challenge facing the EU’s effectiveness in conflict prevention are building and sustaining effective partnership with actors and states sharing like the Union’s values and priorities, developing targeted common approaches to countries and regions at risk and reaffirming and maintaining conflict prevention as a priority of EU’s foreign policy [8].
The EU capacities, like trade policy instruments, cooperation agreements, development assistance and many others made the Union a well-prepared actor to engage in conflict prevention. To achieve its goals the Union must show consistency in its politics. Beside that coherence across its member states and institutions is essential.
Brief history of Nagorno-Karabakh
At the beginning of the 19th century, because of the Persian-Russian wars, the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh was incorporated into the Russian Empire. In 1905, the first major ethnic conflict between Armenians and Azeris broke out in the region. During World War I, the Ottoman and Russian Empires fought over control of the Caucasus. Following year in November, an autonomous government was established in the South Caucasus that was independent of the central Russian authorities. In April 1918, Georgians, Armenians, and Azeris formed a short-lived union known as the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. However, internal divisions soon emerged, leading to the dissolution of the federation and the creation of three independent republics—Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan—in May 1918. In 1919, armed clashes erupted between Armenia and Azerbaijan over disputed territories. During this time, British forces that were stationed in the region on behalf of the Allied powers granted administrative control of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan [9].
In 1920, Armenia and Azerbaijan were conquered by the Bolsheviks. Moscow was to decide on the affiliation of Nagorno-Karabakh. The Bolsheviks decided to create the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast and incorporate it into the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, something with which the inhabitants of these territories never came to terms [10].
In February 1988, the authorities of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast announced a resolution on its annexation to Armenia. Two years later, in 1990, the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic decided to include Nagorno-Karabakh within its borders. In 1991, after the fall of the Soviet Union, the decision on the affiliation of Karabakh fell to Armenia and Azerbaijan. In early 1992, the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic declared independence based on a referendum. No one recognized this independence. As a result of the First Karabakh War, which ended with a ceasefire in 1994, Armenians captured Karabakh and the surrounding areas that had previously belonged to the Azerbaijan SSR. Azerbaijan has never recognized this [11].
In March 2008, there were clashes on the Nagorno-Karabakh-Azerbaijan border. At the turn of July and August 2014, there were further clashes between the parties. In 1-6 of April 2016, the heaviest armed clash since 1994 took place [12].
The new war erupted on the morning of September 27, 2020, on the line of contact in Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories. As a result, Armenia lost control of parts of the separatist region and seven neighbouring districts. Yerevan, Baku, and Moscow signed a peace agreement in 2020 to end the war [13].
On 19 September 2023 the last launched military offensive on Nagorno-Karabakh took place. As a result of the defeat suffered by Nagorno-Karabakh, the president of the republic Samvel Shahramanyan signed a decree that dissolves all institutions and organizations in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The official date of dissolution of state structures is January 1, 2024 [14].
European Union actions
Throughout the years the European Union did not recognize the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and had not cleary taken sides in the conflict. The position of EU’s institutions had differed as well as relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan with the EU’s member states. Some countries had and still have closer relations with Armenia (e.g. France) or with Azerbaijan (e.g. Austria, Hungary or Bulgaria). The Union has acted mainly by providing humanitarian aid and by calling both sides – Armenia and Azerbaijan to refrain from the use of force and to end the dispute via diplomatic measures [15].
Armenia, as well as Azerbaijan, both participate in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) but their relations with the EU are different. Armenia is an important partner for the EU due to Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement that was signed in 2017 and is more interested in strengthening ties with the EU not only economically but also ideologically. Azerbaijan is an important partner for the EU due to the supply of the energy, but the country is not interested in anything beyond energy and trade cooperation.
The EU had formally engaged in the meditation process only at the end of 2021, after the Second Karabakh War. What is worth pointing out is that EU’s potential involvement was previously hindered. First because of Azerbaijan opposed for EU’s representatives to enter the region. Russia’s and Turkey’s activities in the South Caucasus and their hostile attitude towards EU also contributed to the difficulties. Russia has marginalised the role of the Minsk Group and presented their own proposals and instruments for peacebuilding. Since 1990’s the efforts to settle the conflict were led by OSCE’s Minsk Group. The group was led by France, the United States and Russia, but after the Second Karabakh War, the Minsk Group suspended its activities. After the suspension Russia became the only intermediary between two conflicted sides. What is also wroth pointing out is that in 2021 Russia in accordance with the agreement ending the Second Karabakh War has deployed its forces in the region of conflict [16].
In 2021 the Union has initiated the Brussels format of talks between the two countries. Between December 2021 and July 2023 Armenia’s prime minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev met six times in Brussels. The EU’s representative during the talks was former President of the European Council – Charles Michel. The talks were quite successful. Both sides agreed on number of specific issues. Main success was agreement on the principles for the delimitation of the two countries’ common border. On top of that both leaders and Charles Michel participated in the summits of the European Political Community in Prague and in Chișinău. Both summits were attended by President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron. German’s Chancellor Olaf Scholz participated in the summit held in Chișinău probably to balance ,,Macron” because Azerbaijan has accused France and its pro-Armenian policy, and the country stated that French policy has influenced EU. After that Azerbaijan resigned from participating in the talks with Armenia and the EU that were scheduled before. It demonstrates the ineffectiveness of Michel’s initiative. After that countries’ foreign ministers have met in the US, Berlin and Moscow. Countries’ leaders also met during the Munich Security Conference in February 2024. In 2022 the Union also deployed a two-month observer mission to Armenia’s border [17].
As mentioned before the position of EU’s institutions had differed. the European Commission tried to avoid taking a specific position but has shown more interest in relation with Azerbaijan while European Parliament was more favourable of Armenia.
The EC since 2020 provided in total €38.4 million in humanitarian aid to help people in need and support the most vulnerable. Via funding the EU wanted to ensure that people receive access to basic needs, health care and livelihoods protection. The EC also played a significant role in facilitating humanitarian coordination and information sharing between countries, organisations and humanitarian partners. The EC has not taken a critical stance toward any of the countries but has shown closer relation to Azerbaijan [18].
The EP on the other hand had adopted a more critical stance toward Azerbaijan’s actions. In 2023 MEPs demanded review of EU relations with Azerbaijan and called the EU to adopt targeted sanctions against Azerbaijani government officials. In adopted resolution on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan’s attack and the continuing threats against Armenia [19], Parliament called on the EU and all member states to offer and send assistance to Armenia to help them in dealing with the influx of refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh. In the document MEPs also condemned Baku’s military attack from 2023 and called on the EU to reduce its dependency on Azeri gaz imports and suspend the energy MoU with Azerbaijan.
| Chosen statements from European Parliament resolution of 5 October 2023 on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan’s attack and the continuing threats against Armenia |
| The European Parliament: ,,Calls for the EU and its Member States to adopt targeted sanctions against the individuals in the Azerbaijani Government responsible for multiple ceasefire violations and violations of human rights in Nagorno-Karabakh.”,,Calls for investigations into the abuses committed by Azerbaijani forces that could constitute war crimes.”,,Calls for a comprehensive review of the EU’s relations with Azerbaijan.”,,Expresses deep dissatisfaction at the fact that regular alerts by Parliament regarding the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh and the risks of a catastrophic outcome have been disregarded by the Commission and the Council.” |
Source: own elaboration.
In 2020 the High Representative, Joseph Borell, shared his declaration on Nagorno-Karabakh. Analysing the Declaration with discursive approach one can see how the EU articulates its role as a normative power [20].
| Examples from the Text | Interpretation |
| ,,support for stabilisation, post-conflict rehabilitation” ,,confidence-building measures” | EU as a normative actor and civilian power |
| ,,The Candidate Countries … align themselves with this declaration” | Broader political unity |
| ,,The UE calls on all parties”,,Voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the displaced populations” | Neutrality and balance |
Source: created by author
Conclusion
The complexity of Nagorno-Karabakh consists of its history, ethnic identities, geopolitical interests and role of international actors, such as the EU.
The aim of this research was to assess the European Union’s role and effectiveness in addressing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. As proven positions of its institutions have differed. This research sought to explore the actions taken by EC and EP. The analysis revealed incoherence between them: EC tried to avoid taking a specific position but has shown more interest in relation with Azerbaijan while EP was more favourable of Armenia. The EU was criticized for tardiness, excessive liberality about Azerbaijan’s behavior and maintaining trade relations.
The EU’s role in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution revealed its attempts to be seen as a normative actor that acted mainly by providing humanitarian aid and attended to end the dispute via diplomatic measures by calling both sides – Armenia and Azerbaijan – to refrain from using force.
References
[1] Council of Foreign Relations. (2025). Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/nagorno-karabakh-conflict
[2] Kolarz S. (2023). EU searching for approach to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The Polish Institute of International Affairs. https://www.pism.pl/publications/eu-searching-for-approach-to-the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict
[3] Hette, B. (2017). The European Union as an emerging global actor . W J.-U. W. Bailey, The European Union and a Global Governance. A Handbook. (pp. 28-36). Routledge.
[4] Ibidem.
[5] Ibidem.
[6]European Commission. Foreign affairs and security policy. https://commission.europa.eu/topics/foreign-affairs-and-security-policy_en
[7]Benedetto G. (2017). The European Parliment . W J.-U. W. Bailey, The European Union and a Global Governance. A Handbook. (pp. 79-88). Routledge.
[8]Improving the Coherence and effectiveness of the European Union Action in the fied of Conflict Prevention. Report Presented to the Nice European Council by the Secretary General/High Representative and the Commission https://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/reports/98328.pdf
[9]Hakan Yavuz M. Gunter M. (2023). The Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Historical and political perspectives. https://api.pageplace.de/preview/DT0400.9781000608496_A42943957/preview-9781000608496_A42943957.pdf
[10]Ibidem.
[11]Ibidem.
[12] Bartuzi W., Pełczyńska-Nałęcz K., Strachota K. (2008), Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh: unfrozen conflicts between Russia and the West. Centre for eastern studies. https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-report/2008-07-15/abkhazia-south-ossetia-nagorno-karabakh-unfrozen-conflicts-between
[13] International Crisis Group. The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A visual Explainer. https://www.crisisgroup.org/content/nagorno-karabakh-conflict-visual-explainer
[14]Khachatryan D. (2024). COMPLETE DEFEAT AND THE END OF THE NON-RECOGNIZED STATE OF NAGORNO-KARABAKH. Articles of War. https://lieber.westpoint.edu/complete-defeat-end-non-recognized-state-nagorno-karabakh/
[15] Kolarz S. (2023). EU Searching for Approach to the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. The Polish Institute of International Affairs. https://www.pism.pl/publications/eu-searching-for-approach-to-the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict
[16] Ibidem.
[17] Górecki W. (2024). The EU’s ambivelent neighbours. Brussels on the South Caucasus. Centre for eastern studies. https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/o sw-commentary/2024-03-15/eus-ambivalent-neighbours-brussels-south-caucasus
[18] European Commission. Armenia and Azerbaijan. https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/where/europe/armenia-and-azerbaijan_en?
[19] European Parliament resolution of 5 October 2023 on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan’s attack and the continuing threats against Armenia C/2024/1188
[20] Council of the European Union. (2020). Nagorno-Karabakh: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union [Press release]. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2020/11/19/nagorno-karabakh-declaration-by-the-high-representative-on-behalf-of-the-european-union/pdf/
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