Email · kontakt@ine.org.pl
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • Polish-Czech Forum
  • Polski
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
        Analyses and studies of the Three Seas Initiative, taking into account the perspectives of the participating states
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • Polish-Czech Forum
  • Polski
Nov 23
Analysis, China, Democracy, Domestic policy, France, Geopolitics, Indo-Pacific, New Caledonia, Publications, UN

The future of France in the Indo-Pacific region in relation to the upcoming independence referendum in New Caledonia

November 23, 2021
The future of France in the Indo-Pacific region in relation to the upcoming independence referendum in New CaledoniaDownload

Translation: Weronika Siekierka

Key points:

– Until now, France guaranteed security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region; it provided, for instance, support to local states.

– On December 12, 2021, the third and last referendum will be taking place in New Caledonia.

– As a result of the upcoming referendum in New Caledonia, raised independence movements in French Polynesia as well as the defence agreement between Australia, the UK, and the US announced in September 2021, the presence of France in the region is uncertain.

– If New Caledonia gained independence and if the independence movements in French Polynesia were to develop, France would lose its position in the Indo-Pacific region.

The French Republic differs from other European states. It is the only EU member to own territories in the Indo-Pacific region, which makes it number one in the rankings of the size of the exclusive economic zone[1]. France’s Indo-Pacific strategy (fr. la stratégie de la France dans l’Indopacifique) was published in 2018 and updated in 2021. One year later the state has adopted the French Defence Strategy in the Indo-Pacific (fr. la stratégie de défense française en indopacifique). The former document recognizes the need to conduct activities in, inter alia, military, political, economic, and cultural fields; though one of the main goals of activities in the region is to protect the environment. French Polynesia was given the key role in that regard.

The most important aims of the latter, i.e., the French Defence Strategy in the Indo-Pacific, are defending the integrity of France, protecting its territory and interests, promoting co-operation as well as ensuring safety in the region and of the sea routes[2]. Both strategies fit into the French plan to rebuild France’s position as a global power.

Until now, France guaranteed security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region; it provided, for instance, support to local states. In the territory of both New Caledonia and French Polynesia French troops are stationed – in November 2021, there were respectively 1,450 and 900 soldiers[3].

As a result of the upcoming referendum in New Caledonia, raised independence movements in French Polynesia as well as the defence agreement between Australia, the UK, and the US (known as AUKUS) announced in September 2021, the presence of France in the region is uncertain. What is important, France’s position is being called into question in its former colonies in Africa by China, Russia, or Turkey.

The Referendum in New Caledonia

New Caledonia is a French overseas collectivity consisting of islands in the Coral Sea and the south of the Pacific Ocean. Ever since 1840, France would carry out the activities of religious missions there in order to spread Christianity. Shortly afterward, due to aggression by indigenous people, the missionaries applied for protection by the naval forces that would brutally suppress all protests of Kanaks, i.e. native population of the area whose rights were limited and who were forced to live in specially designated reserve areas, and whose rights were gradually restricted in the XIXth century. According to the data provided by the Institut de la statistique et des études économiques, i.e., a New Caledonia public institution responsible for collecting and analyzing statistics concerning the economic and social situation in New Caledonia, the Kanak people accounted for 41,2% of the population of the territory[4].

The islands were gradually attached to France. In 1853 they were given the status of a French colony, in 1946 of overseas territory and 1998, as a result of the Nouméa Accord signed that year, of a sui generis community with a broad autonomy which includes the issues of the state civil service, the foreign policy and the defence, the migration control, the currency and the higher education and the scientific research. 

In 1854 three types of penal colonies were created in New Caledonia. There were ones for transported people (fr. transporté) where forced labour for common crimes applied to those under 60. There were also ones for deportees (fr. déporté), i.e., for political prisoners. On top of that, there were ones for banished (fr. relégué) who would repeat their crimes. In 1886, i.e., in the peak period, there were 7,600 condemned and 700 warders in the colonies[5]. Up until 1931, when the last colony was closed, more than 20,250 common criminals (ca. 250 of them were women) were on the islands. Between 1872 and 1880 ca. 4,250 people were deported there for crimes committed during the Paris Commune. After the uprising in Algeria in 1871 nearly 2,000 Algerians were displaced in New Caledonia, and between 1885 and 1894, more than 3,757 individuals were shipped out[6].

In the 1980s, there were armed struggles between the French troops and pro-independence partisans in New Caledonia. The history of said period is marked with riots, attacks or even murders. As a consequence of these incidents, a state of emergency was introduced in the territory. Moreover, the French troops were assisted by anti-terrorist units. The events of 1980s led to signing of the Matignon Agreement in 1988 and the Nouméa Accord in 1998.

Under the 1998 Nouméa Accord, New Caledonia has the status of an overseas community as well as autonomy in the field of the state civil service, foreign policy and the defence, the currency, migration control, higher education, and scientific research. What is important, the Accord guarantees an independence referendum 20 years after accepting the contract and the possibility of repeating it within two years if the majority opposed New Caledonia getting full sovereignty[7]. For this purpose, it is required that at least a third of the members of the Congress of New Caledonia submit a request to organise new voting to the High Commissioner of the French Republic in New Caledonia (fr. le Haut-commissaire de la République française en Nouvelle-Calédonie). The second vote was to take place 18 months after the receipt of the request. The citizens were also allowed to hold a third and last referendum on the same terms as the previous[8]. The referenda are considered to be a part of the process of decolonisation.

In this manner, in 2018 and 2020 independence referenda took place. The majority of those eligible to vote, 56,67%[9] and 53,26 %[10] respectively, were in favour of maintaining the formal ties with France. On December 12, 2021, the third and last referendum is to be held. The date was a subject-matter of dispute for local residents due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. However, a month before the planned date, the High Commissioner Patrice Faure announced that the referendum will be held as scheduled.

The right to participate in a referendum doesn’t apply to all citizens. One needs to meet, among other things, the following conditions:

– be born before the 1st of January 1989 and live in New Caledonia between 1988 and 1998;

– be admitted to participate in public consultation of November 8, 1998, which resulted in the acceptance of the Numéa Accord;

– prove 20-year period of uninterrupted residence in the territory of New Caledonia on the day of the referendum and no later than on December 31, 2014[11].

The supporters of independence for New Caledonia, mostly the Kanak people, as well as the Customary Senate (fr. le Sénat Coutumier)[12] which consists of 16 local politicians[13] advocate for changing the date.  The Senate justifies their decision the necessity of announcing Kanak national mourning for the victims of COVID-19[14]. The mourning would be introduced with a retrospective date; it would last from September 6, 2021 to September 6, 2022. For that reason, the Customary Senate issued a letter to the president of France, Emmanuel Macron in which they emphasised the inability to hold the referendum under the condition of the national mourning as well as of the existing restrictions that were introduced due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which prevents an information and election campaign from being carried out. As it is written, the death of nearly 280 citizens of New Caledonia (from September to the first half of November 2021)[15] caused ‘trauma’ and ‘psychological shock’ to the community (fr. on est traumatisés, il y a eu un choc psychologique)[16]. In the letter they also raised the important question of consequences of the referendum results if it is held on December 12. According to the Senate, regardless of the referendum results, talks concerning Kanak customs and identity as well as the extension of political pluralism which stems from the Nouméa Accord of 1998, need to be resumed.

The supporters of independence call the people not to participate in the December referendum[17]. Formed in 1984, the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (fr. le Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste, FLNKS) announced on October 20, 2021, that the referendum results would not be recognized if the currently set date was maintained[18]. In their response FLNKS, mentioned the October 2019 statement of Édouard Philippe, the prime minister of France between 2017 and 2020, in which he declared that the third referendum may be organised between September 2021 and August 2022 so that the date of national elections, for instance, the presidential elections planned for April 10, 2022, could be clearly distinguished from local votes. FLNSK emphasised that the aforementioned decision is immutable. Furthermore, the members of the Front threatened that if the third referendum was held on December 12, 2021, they would point out the many mistakes France made or let happen throughout their presence in New Caledonia.

The results of previous referenda clearly depict the ethnic divide in New Caledonia. The Kanak people, living in the South Province or the Loyalty Islands Province, mostly vote for New Caledonia to gain full sovereignty in hopes to break up with the colonial heritage; whereas the descendants of the settlers’ from Europe and Asia want the territory to remain part of France for the sake the many benefits that come with it, like having a European passport. What is important, in February 2021, for the first time since the Numéa Accord, the independence supporters won the majority in the collegial executive body.

Fig. 1: the percentage distribution of votes for independence in the November 2018 referendum

Source: New Caledonia’s Independence Referendum: Local and Regional Implications, Lowy Institute, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/new-caledonia-s-independence-referendum-local-and-regional-implications, dostęp: 21.11.2021.

Fig. 2: the percentage distribution of the Kanak population by communes

Source: New Caledonia’s Independence Referendum: Local and Regional Implications, Lowy Institute, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/new-caledonia-s-independence-referendum-local-and-regional-implications, dostęp: 21.11.2021.

French Polynesia in the face of the referendum results

Without a doubt, the upcoming referendum results are going to affect French Polynesia. The French Polynesia islands were gradually attached. Since 1842 they were under the French protectorate, since 1880 they were a French colony, and since 1946 they were an overseas territory. Finally, as a result of a constitutional amendment introduced in March 2003, they became an overseas community with a wide-ranging autonomy in terms of, i.e., appointing representatives or making decisions concerning foreign policy and the defence.

Contrary to New Caledonia, there were no penal colonies in French Polynesia. However, a total of 193 atmospheric and underground atomic tests were carried out there between 1966 and 1996[19]; they led to severe pollution of its waters and soil[20]. As a consequence, according to the data provided by the Ministry of Health and Prevention of French Polynesia, there was an increase in cancer reports from 93 in 1992 to 467 in 2017[21]. By March 2017, 63 Polynesians suffering from the effects of the atomic tests received compensation for the diseases caused by the radioactive contamination. It is estimated that 110 000 more people are entitled to compensation[22]. In 2018, at the UN, Oscar Temaru, the head of the Tāvini huira’atira political party (eng. People’s Servant or Serve the People) and a former president, announced that a complaint against France for committing crimes against humanity in the region has been submitted to the International Criminal Court.

Both New Caledonia and French Polynesia figure on the UN list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. The territories were first added to the list in 1946; however, removed a year later. New Caledonia was reinstated in 1986, and French Polynesia in 2013. Still, in 1946, according to the UN, there were 72 non-self-governing territories, now – 17. Under Chapter XI of the Charter of the United Nations, territories with such status should be decolonized, as New Caledonia politicians in favour of gaining full sovereignty remind. 

A part of Polynesian society supports New Caledonia’s pursuit of independence. Oscar Temaru, who is involved in the struggle for independence of French Polynesia ever since the 1970’s, speaks openly on the subject. What is more, he calls for the organisation an independence referendum in French Polynesia[23]. In October 2021 Carlyle Corbin, who is a UN expert and correspondent of the Tāvini huira’atira political party, announced that the existing ‘internal reforms in territories such as French Polynesia are not part of the decolonization process, since the only real decolonization process is that under the supervision of the UN’[24].

Without a doubt, the results of the upcoming referendum in New Caledonia are going to influence the situation in French Polynesia. If New Caledonia is separated from France, the latter will deal with losing influence in the region. Moreover, there will be a gradual, dangerous for France, intensification of efforts to gain independence among the people of French Polynesia, encouraged by the positive outcomes of the actions of New Caledonia citizens. The basis for a possible referendum in French Polynesia is the decision of the United Nations to reinstate it on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories in 2013.

The role of France in the Indo-Pacific region

The results of the 2018 and 2020 referenda proved persisting or intensifying ethnic divisions in New Caledonia. The potential independence of the territory may cause dangerous consequences in the non-military dimension. The chances of New Caledonia gaining independence are big as long as the Kanak people, who are encouraged to boycott the vote, do not resign from participating in the referendum. However, it comes with the challenge of establishing a new system in New Caledonia, for which local politicians may not be fully prepared.

France plays a special role in the region in terms of regional security. The enhanced military presence of French units in South Pacific guarantees the country i.e., the ability to defend its own interests and to exert influence in the neighbouring countries; it also provides it with an opportunity to be a constant, close observer of the dynamically developing markets in Asia and the Pacific. If New Caledonia gains independence and if independence movements in French Polynesia progress, France will lose its position in the Indo-Pacific, which will directly affect the balance of power in the region. Furthermore, it will influence the perception of the country in the region as well as internationally; it may weaken the image of France, challenge its role and importance in other regions, and result in an increase cyber-attack, most notably – disinformation. On the other hand, independent New Caledonia may face increased activities of other external actors, particularly China, which may exert strong financial and political pressions to fill the gap made by France. Until 2021, actions of PRC proved to be effective in the Republic of Vanuatu, the Republic of Fiji or the Independent State of Samoa, which were induced to join the One Belt, One Road initiative through China’s checkbook diplomacy. Beijing is already one of the most important trading partners of New Caledonia and the most active player in the Pacific region. Previous attempts to gain independence have temporarily deprived China of any prospects of expanding its influence.

It is worth stressing that the uninhabited New Caledonia islands of Hunter and Matthew are the subject of disputes between France and the Republic of Vanuatu, supported by PRC. In 2018, information appeared about Beijing’s efforts to open military bases in the Vanuatu archipelago; they were denied by both parties. Still, China provides financial and military support to the Republic of Vanuatu, i.e., by assuming its public debt[25]. If New Caledonia gains sovereignty, China will intensify its activities in relation to the territory in order to expand its influence in the region.

Conclusion and recommendation

France is the most active European country in the Indo-Pacific region. Despite the tensions caused by the sudden announcement of AUKUS as well as the risk of independence for New Caledonia, France will not withdraw from Indo-Pacific or reduce the economic and military support provided to local nations so far. The presence of France in the region has great value not only for the country itself but also for the European interests. The debate concerning France’s future in the region is of particular importance in relation to the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022.

Due to the current events, France should remain neutral on the decision of the people of New Caledonia, increase all kinds of aid for the region as well as encourage local authorities of its overseas territories, in order to be involved in regional agreements to strengthen its role and to maintain its influences in a situation unfavourable for the state of New Caledonia regaining independence. As a result of the aforementioned measures, France may come across as a neighbouring country, balancing American and Chinese influences, which is of particular importance for the dialogue with partners.


[1] Countries With The Largest Exclusive Economic Zones. World Atlas. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/countries-with-the-largest-exclusive-economic-zones.html. Accessed: 19.11.2021.

[2] La stratégie de défense française en indopacifique. Ministère des Armées. https://www.defense.gouv.fr/dgris/action-internationale/enjeux-regionaux/la-strategie-de-defense-francaise-en-indopacifique2. Accessed: 18.11.2021.

[3] Dispositif opérationnel français déployé à travers le monde. Ministère des Armées. https://www.defense.gouv.fr/operations/rubriques_complementaires/dispositif-operationnel-francais-deploye-a-travers-le-monde. Accessed: 16.11.2021.

[4] Une mosaïque pluriethnique. l’Institut de la statistique et des études économiques Nouvelle-Calédonie. https://www.isee.nc/population/recensement/communautes  Accessed: 17.11.2021.

[5] S. Tonnerre-Seychelles. Le temps de la colonization pénale (1864-1931). Gallica. https://gallica.bnf.fr/blog/25072018/le-temps-de-la-colonisation-penale-1864-1931?mode=desktop. Accessed: 11.04.2021.

[6] Ibidem.

[7] LOI organique n° 2018-280 du 19 avril 2018 relative à l’organisation de la consultation sur l’accession à la pleine souveraineté de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, NOR : PRMX9801273X, JORF n°121 du 27 mai 1998.

[8] Organisation du referendum. Les services de l’État en Nouvelle-Calédonie. https://web.archive.org/web/20170729203202/http://www.nouvelle-caledonie.gouv.fr/Politiques-publiques/Referendum-2018/Le-referendum-de-2018/Organisation-du-referendum. Accessed: 15.11.2021.

[9] Résultats définitifs Nouvelle-Calédonie. Haut-Commissariat de la République en Nouvelle-Calédonie. https://www.nouvelle-caledonie.gouv.fr/content/download/5127/39664/file/R%C3%A9f%C3%A9rendum%202018%20-%20R%C3% A9sultats%20consolid%C3%A9s%20synth%C3%A8se%20-%20Suffrages%20V07%2011%202018.pdf. Accessed: 11.04.2021.

[10] Résultats définitifs, referendum du 4 octobre 2020, Nouvelle-Calédonie. Haut-Commissariat de la République en Nouvelle-Calédonie. https://www.nouvelle-caledonie.gouv.fr/content/download/6849/53341/file/R%C3%A9f %C3%A9rendum%20du%204%20octobre%202020%20-%20R%C3%A9sultat%20d%C3%A9finitifs.pdf. Accessed: 11.04.2021.

[11] Loi n° 99-209 organique du 19 mars 1999 relative à la Nouvelle-Calédonie (1), NOR : INTX9800159L.

[12] D. Chaillot. Nouvelle-Calédonie : Le Sénat coutumier déclare un deuil Kanak d’un an et demande le report du referendum. Outremers 360°. https://outremers360.com/bassin-pacifique-appli/nouvelle-caledonie-le-senat-coutumier-declare-un-deuil-kanak-dun-an-et-demande-le-report-du-referendum. Accessed: 09.11.2021.

[13] Les 16 sénateurs coutumiers. Sénat Coutumier de la Nouvelle Calédonie. https://www.senat-coutumier.nc/le-senat-coutumier/les-16-senateurs-coutumiers. Accessed: 04.11.2021.

[14] In October 2021, Louis Mapou, president of the New Caledonia government, announced that 56% of COVID-19 victims were Kanaks.

[15] Info Covid-19. Gouvernement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie. https://gouv.nc/coronavirus. Accessed: 20.11.2021.

[16] Le sénat coutumier décrète un « deuil kanak » d’une année et se positionne en faveur du report du referendum. Nouvelle-Calédonie la 1ère. https://la1ere.francetvinfo.fr/nouvellecaledonie/le-senat-coutumier-decrete-un-deuil-kanak-d-une-annee-et-se-positionne-en-faveur-du-report-du-referendum-1149691.html. Accessed: 09.11.2021.

[17] Nouvelle-Calédonie : un référendum incertain en raison du Covid-19. France24. https://www.france24.com/fr/%C3%A9missions/outre-mer/20211025-nouvelle-cal%C3%A9donie-un-r%C3%A9f%C3%A9rendum-incertain-en-raison-du-covid-19. Accessed: 03.11.2021.

[18] Nouvelle-Calédonie : les indépendantistes «ne respecteront pas» le résultat du referendum. Le Parisien. https://www.leparisien.fr/politique/nouvelle-caledonie-les-independantistes-ne-respecteront-pas-le-resultat-du-referendum-09-11-2021-F7MBJYN52VBHRASJV7LS36R5NA.php. Accessed: 09.11.2021.

[19] K. Feldmann. La Polynésie marquée à jamais par les essais nucléaires français. Reporterre. https://reporterre.net/La-polynesie-marquee-a-jamais-par-les-essais. Accessed: 10.11.2021.

[20] Rapport sur les incidences environnementales et sanitaires des essais nucléaires effectués par la France entre 1960 et 1996 et éléments de comparaison avec les essais des autres puissances nucléaires. Office parlementaire d’évaluation des choix scientifiques et technologiques. https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/legislatures/11/pdf/rap-oecst/i3571.pdf. Accessed: 10.11.2021.

[21] K. Feldmann, op. cit.

[22] N. Bérubé. La France aurait caché une « contamination massive ». La Presse. https://www.lapresse.ca/international/asie-et-oceanie/2021-03-11/essais-nucleaires-en-polynesie-francaise/la-france-aurait-cache-une-contamination-massive.php. Accessed: 10.11.2021.

[23] A. Samoyeau. Oscar Temaru : « Organisons un référendum ». Tahiti Infos. https://www.tahiti-infos.com/Oscar-Temaru-Organisons-un-referendum_a194939.html. Accessed: 10.11.2021.

[24] Quatrième Commission: retour des pétitionnaires, venus s’exprimer sur la décolonisation de plusieurs territoires non autonomes. Nations Unies Couverture des réunions & communiqués de presse. https://www.un.org/press/fr/2021/cpsd730.doc.htm. Accessed: 18.11.2021.

[25] Les bases militaires ultramarines françaises apparaissent vulnérables. IFRI. https://www.ifri.org/fr/espace-media/lifri-medias/bases-militaires-ultramarines-francaises-apparaissent-vulnerables. Accessed: 17.11.2021.

IF YOU VALUE THE INSTITUTE OF NEW EUROPE’S WORK, BECOME ONE OF ITS DONORS!

Funds received will allow us to finance further publications.

You can contribute by making donations to INE’s bank account:

95 2530 0008 2090 1053 7214 0001

with the following payment title: „darowizna na cele statutowe”

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Tumblr
  • Pinterest
  • Google+
  • LinkedIn
  • E-Mail
Karolina Siekierka Karolina Siekierka. Analyst on international security, France's internal and external policies, NATO's role in the security environment, the conditions of the civil war in Yemen and human rights. Member of the Merit Team of the Polish Academy of Sciences Scientific Station in Paris. She gained experience at the UN Global Compact Network Poland (2022-2024), the Institute of New Europe (2021-2022, Director of Analysis and Project Coordination) and the University of Warsaw (2017-2019; 2022). Graduated from the University of Warsaw, Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, majoring in International Relations, specialising in Security and Strategic Studies. During her studies, she participated in scholarship programmes at Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and Institut d'études politiques de Paris (Sciences Po Paris).

Related Posts

See All Publications
  • Analysis, Military and army, Publications

Ballistic Missiles, Asymmetric Warfare, and Law of Armed Conflict: A Technical Approach to Ensuring Compliance with the Distinction Principle

Introduction: In armed conflict, one of the enduring challenges is the risk of targeting civilians instead of military objectives, which…
  • Mehran Atashjameh
  • June 16, 2025
  • Europe, Publications, Russia

Russia Affairs Review May 2025

Ksawery Stawiński, Adam Jankowski 08.05.25 - Mineral Deal On May 8th, the Ukrainian parliament ratified the so-called Mineral Deal. The…
  • Adam Jankowski
  • June 15, 2025
  • China, European Union, Indo-Pacific, Publications

EU-China Affairs Review May 2025

Mikołaj Woźniak, Konrad Falkowski 9.05. Slovakian-Chinese talks in Moscow Against the background of the celebrations of Russia's Victory Day on…
  • Konrad Falkowski
  • June 15, 2025
See All Publications

Comments are closed.

Karolina Siekierka Karolina Siekierka. Analyst on international security, France's internal and external policies, NATO's role in the security environment, the conditions of the civil war in Yemen and human rights. Member of the Merit Team of the Polish Academy of Sciences Scientific Station in Paris. She gained experience at the UN Global Compact Network Poland (2022-2024), the Institute of New Europe (2021-2022, Director of Analysis and Project Coordination) and the University of Warsaw (2017-2019; 2022). Graduated from the University of Warsaw, Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, majoring in International Relations, specialising in Security and Strategic Studies. During her studies, she participated in scholarship programmes at Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and Institut d'études politiques de Paris (Sciences Po Paris).
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

YouTube

Latest publications

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org
  • Ballistic Missiles, Asymmetric Warfare, and Law of Armed Conflict: A Technical Approach to Ensuring Compliance with the Distinction Principle
    by Mehran Atashjameh
    June 16, 2025
  • Russia Affairs Review May 2025
    by Adam Jankowski
    June 15, 2025
  • EU-China Affairs Review May 2025
    by Konrad Falkowski
    June 15, 2025

Categories

THE MOST POPULAR TAGS:

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org

China economy European Union International politics International security NATO Poland Russia Security Ukraine USA

  • About
  • Publications
  • Europe
  • Security
  • O nas
  • Publikacje
  • Europa
  • Bezpieczeństwo
  • Indo-Pacific
  • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact – Careers
  • Indo-Pacyfik
  • Trójmorze
  • Ludzie
  • Kontakt – Kariera

Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



© 2019-2024 The Institute of New Europe Foundation · All rights reserved · Support us