Email · kontakt@ine.org.pl
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
    • Analyses
    • Video
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
    • Reports
    • Maps
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • 3 SEAS
  • EnglishEnglish
    • PolskiPolski
Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
    • Analyses
    • Video
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
    • Reports
    • Maps
    • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS
  • Programmes
    • Europe
    • Security
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
    • Indo-Pacific
    • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
    • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT
  • People
  • Contact-Careers
  • 3 SEAS
  • EnglishEnglish
    • PolskiPolski
Nov 03
3SI, Analysis, International Politics, Publications, The Balkans

The Western Balkans as an area of the synergy of the Three Seas and the Belt and Road Initiative transport projects

November 3, 2022

The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is often considered within the infrastructural cooperation between 3SI participating countries. However, this format should be seen wider, because a part of the 3SI projects is directed both to member states as well as third states, including the West-Balkan region. In this aspect, there should be paid attention to the communication investments connecting the 3SI area with the Western Balkans.

On the other hand, China within the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) plans to construct the Land-Sea Express Route which aims to communicate with Greece in the Pireus port, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Hungary in Budapest.

The Three Seas Initiative and the Belt and Road Initiative are treated as competitive formats against each other, also in Central and Eastern Europe where countries of the region in the region perceive both formats differently. The 3SI and the Western Balkan countries differ from one another, for example in their attitude to cooperation with the Middle Kingdom. When Hungary and Serbia invest strongly in the development of economic relations with China, on the opposite side the Baltic states, Romania and Montenegro fear increasingly the bigger Chinese engagement in the infrastructural dimension. In conjunction with the latest escalation of the war in Ukraine which happened on 24 February this year, there was an increase in the unwillingness on the part of the CEE countries toward Beijing and reducing the ties with it. The Chinese part is considered the silent ally of the Russian Federation in the war with Ukraine, and it strongly tightens bilateral relations with Moscow. But yet, the newly constructed road and rail routes – both within the 3SI and also BRI in the Western Balkans – can complement each other and constitute an additional impulse for the development of Central European countries and also the Middle Kingdom. The synergy of the communication investments can also influence tightening the cooperation between the Western Balkans and Three Seas Initiative.

The complementarity of the 3SI and BRI projects

Railway

The synergy of the rail transport projects of both formats in the Western Balkans can be observed in the example of the planned and realized railway line connecting Budapest with Belgrade. In this aspect, it is worth noticing that the connection between the capitals of Hungary and Serbia is currently the most important Chinese infrastructure investment in Central Europe. It also constitutes part of the Land-Sea Transport Corridor – a priority communication project for China in Europe within the Belt and Road Initiative.

The railway line between Budapest and Belgrade is also part of one of the most important projects of the Three Seas Initiative in this aspect, the Amber Railway Freight Corridor. It aims to connect the main urban centers in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia. Serbia has not been officially included in this project so far. However, in 2021, three years after this corridor was included in the flagship 3SI investments, this country formally became a partner of this investment of the Three Seas Initiative.

The investment is part of trans-regional transport connections. The considered route is part of the RFC10 European rail corridor which extends from the Alps to Bulgaria through the Western Balkans, particularly through Serbia. The modernization of the Belgrade-Budapest section of the rail route will boost the economies of Serbia and Hungary, because of the increased passenger and freight traffic in these states. This is all the more so because the implementation of this investment (along with other sections of the Land-Sea Express Corridor) will enable the delivery of goods through South and Eastern Europe on a shorter route. The construction of the rail sections within this corridor, including the railroad between Budapest and Belgrade, will ensure a connection to Rail Baltica, which communicates Germany, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Finland with each other. For this reason, the construction of joint 3SI and BRI investments in the Balkans will bring benefits to the northern 3SI countries, which can gain additional trade opportunities with Asia.

Roads

The complementarity of the BRI and 3SI road investments in the Western Balkans should be noticed in the case of the Land-Sea Express Route connects with the pan-European transport corridors. A part of the road section of the Corridor promoted by the Middle Kingdom – from Thessaloniki via Skopje to Budapest – is a part of the Trans-European transport route No. 10, which extends from Salzburg to Thessaloniki, also through Skopje. In this city, the road connects with the pan-European Route No. 8, which runs from the coast of Albania through North Macedonia and Bulgaria. A part of this trans-European route (No. 8) – on the east of Skopje – is the Black Sea Highway, entered as a TSI project, which runs latitudinally through Bulgaria.

In the capital of North Macedonia, there is crossing also the road part of the Corridor within BRI, with the inactive status within Three Seas – North-South European route E65, which runs on the west to other Balkan states and further on the north to Sweden.

There is also worth noticing that despite the lack of direct connection of the road part of the Land-Sea Express Route and Via Carpatia in Serbia and North Macedonia, the crucial urban centers in the Western Balkans are located at a relatively close distance from particular sections of Via Carpatia in Romania, Bulgaria and Greece. Both Serbia and North Macedonia, as well as other West-Balkan countries, are interested in including transport cooperation within the development of this international route.

The better communication between the road and rail routes in the Western Balkans with the tracks in other parts of Europe will also ensure faster transport of goods from other regions of the world, including the Far East. The construction of new road and rail connections in the West-Balkan area (joint with other routes in Europe and sea ports) will unleash the communication potential of this region. Around 60% of goods from China to the European Union are transported by sea, which will increase the significance of the ports in South and Eastern Europe (including Pireus) and the Western Balkans as transit areas. The realization and synchronization of such connections as the Amber Rail Corridor or Via Carpatia with the Land-Sea Express Route relieve other, overloaded so far, transport routes, especially the ones which run through the Suez Canal. Moreover, the constructed routes in the Western Balkans create an opportunity for a more stable transport of cargo to other parts of Europe, than is the case with other transit regions of the continent and areas situated close to the European land. It concerns Ukraine and the South Caucasus above all, which deal with the escalation of regional military conflicts.

The barriers of realization mutual transport investments of the 3SI and BRI

While the construction of the entire Amber Railway Corridor is close to being completed, the other investments of the Three Seas Initiative, which complement each other with the Belt and Road Initiative in the Western Balkans, are only at the registration stage. This applies in particular to the E65 Route – the priority road connecting the Three Seas countries with the Western Balkans – the construction of which has not yet taken into account, inter alia, the schedule, sources of financing, and the estimated budget of the entire project. This may prove that there is little or no interest in the countries potentially involved in this project, or that only some of them are determined to complete its construction. The key barrier to the implementation of this project seems to be the insufficient amount of financial resources. Western Balkan countries cannot afford to finance these projects, because of their low level of economic development. Moreover, funds from the budgets of the Three Seas countries with other sources of financing are not able to cover the necessary expenses to a large extent.

The projects of the Three Seas Initiative discussed in this article are supported by the European Union. This support is realized by such instruments as The Western Balkans Investment Framework (WBIF), Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA), and Trans-European Transport Networks (TEN-T). In the last two years since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the EU announced The Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans for 2021-2027. Within this initiative, there will be allocated almost 30 bln euros from European funds and investment guarantees on the infrastructure development. It will be supported through previous and new-introduced instruments and support strategies, including Global Gateway. However, the West-Balkan states concentrate on infrastructural cooperation with China to a bigger extent. When the support for the development of infrastructure from the EU and other western institutions is related to the requests to conduct ambitious political and economic reforms, using Chinese loans is not associated with these restrictions.

But yet, the previous China activity in the West-Balkan area is also associated with some dangers for the economies of this region. In contrast to the funds from western institutions, the Chinese financial support allows contracting public procurement to the subjects politically related to state and local authorities. This influences the increase in the already high level of corruption and deepening of the other economies in the West-Balkan countries. This course of events happened among others in Montenegro in recent years during the construction of the highway connecting Bar with Boljare, where the prevailing and high corruption led to the necessity of allocating additional funds on this investment and significant liabilities of this country.

The implementation of mutual projects within the 3SI and BRI demands a bigger engagement of the countries of the 3SI, the Western Balkans, and China. However, observing the level of cooperation between some states in the widely understood CEE region since the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine, it increased or decreased depending on the policies and attitudes of some countries to this dispute (including the Middle Kingdom).

On the one hand, there could be observed the tightening relations (also in the infrastructural dimension) between Poland and accordingly: the Baltic states, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Romania, and also between Hungary and Serbia. On the other hand, the ties between the Hungarian side and other countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) weakened. The last quoted example has a particularly big significance for the realization of the complementary connections of both of included infrastructural initiatives. If the differences between V4 states towards the Russian invasion in Ukraine and Chinese support for Russia in this issue still deepened, the plans for the development of the Amber Rail Freight Corridor (and the other potential investments associated with the synergy of the 3SI and BRI and connecting V4 countries) can get stuck in place. In the case of the implementation of this scenery, Central European states will gain limited benefits from the potential of completing considered transport projects. The planned communication investments connecting Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary are fundamental for mutual projects of the 3SI and BRI, improving the transport from the Middle and the Far East to Scandinavia through Central Europe.

The summary

The Western Balkans is the area, where connect plenty of transport connections of the Three Seas and the Belt and Road Initiative. Potentially, there is an interest for the West-Balkan, southern and northern 3SI countries, and China to develop complementary communication projects of the 3SI and BRI in the Western Balkans. However, the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine at the turn of February and March this year played a fundamental role in the relations between some CEE states, and therefore, in their potential involvement in the development of the considered cooperation. The following weakness of the ties between some countries of the region can seriously influence the inhibition of the realization of tcomplementarytar connections of the 3SI and BRI, particularly between the Visegrad states. In the current situation, it seems that North Macedonia should be interested the most in implementing the mutual projects of both infrastructural formats.  By completing considered investments, this country can become a transport hub for the 3SI and TSI projects in the Western Balkans (because of the connection of Skopje with trans-European transport corridors no. 8 and 10, E65 Route, and Black Sea Highway). The development of the cooperation within complementary 3SI and BRI projects will bother most Baltic countries, which are concerned about the increased position of China, which is treated for them as a danger to their security. It is worth noticing the fact that these states are currently reducing their relations with China, an example of which is the leaving 16+1 format by Lithuania in May, and later Latvia and Estonia in August this year.

The 3SI countries should become more engaged in transport cooperation with the West-Balkan region. In this context, bilateral (between the Three Seas countries and the Western Balkans) and multilateral economic relations should be revitalized through current formats such as the Visegrad Group, the Transport Community, and the Berlin Process, among others. It is also essential to create a new format of cooperation between the 3SI and the West-Balkan area. The activities undertaken within the framework of the mentioned associations should be synchronized with each other.

These investments are supported also by the European Union through various strategies and instruments. For effective communication cooperation, in the implementation of the 3SI projects involving the countries of the Western Balkans, it is worth including EU instruments dedicated to this region, including WBIF, IPA, and TEN-T. Within the Three Seas, there should be also included trans-regional sections for the priority communication projects of this initiative, which would connect particular West-Balkan countries with 3SI ones, for example, Skopje-Deve Bair, Belgrade-Vršac I Nis-Gradina. The construction of them is supported by the mentioned EU instruments. Due to the realization of these routes, the Western Balkans will be connected with the Via Carpatia, which is the transport backbone of the Three Seas Initiative.

This article, there was focused on some mutual transport investments of the 3SI and BRI. However, there should be also striving other planned routes in the Western Balkans in the future, whose connection with discussed projects will, even more, ensure the synergy between both initiatives and enhance cooperation within these formats, In this aspect, there can be crucial to construct the highway connecting Bar with Belgrade.

Constructing new, complementary connections of the 3SI and BRI in the Western Balkans, there should be implemented in the EU initiatives, such as Global Gateway and EU Strategy on Connecting Europe and Asia. The realization of these transport routes by the recommended and mentioned strategies and instruments will contribute to increasing the effectiveness of previous transport cooperation. The partnership realized in a featured way will be based on mutual rules and standards. Furthermore, this cooperation will reduce the risks related to the implementation of international communication projects in the Western Balkans.


IF YOU VALUE THE INSTITUTE OF NEW EUROPE’S WORK, BECOME ONE OF ITS DONORS!

Funds received will allow us to finance further publications.

You can contribute by making donations to INE’s bank account:

95 2530 0008 2090 1053 7214 0001

with the following payment title: „darowizna na cele statutowe”

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Tumblr
  • Pinterest
  • Google+
  • LinkedIn
  • E-Mail
Piotr Wójcik Piotr Wójcik. The graduate of master’s studies of International Relations faculty at the University of Warsaw. He participated in numerous transnational projects. His interests focus on international processes in Central and Eastern Europe. He is keen, particularly on the Three Seas Initiative. He wrote the master thesis and analyzes related to this regional format in CEE, for various organizations. He is also fascinated by other research issues like the international cooperation in the South Caucasus and the engagement of third parties in this region, but also in Central and Eastern Europe.

Related Posts

See All Publications
  • Europe, News, Publications, Serbia, The Balkans

Jakub Bielamowicz comments for TRT World on local elections in northern Kosovo boycotted by Kosovo Serbs [Video]

Our Balkans analyst Jakub Bielamowicz comments for Turkish TRT World on the results of local elections in northern Kosovo, which…
  • Jakub Bielamowicz
  • April 24, 2023
  • Analysis, Indo-Pacific, North Korea, Publications, South Korea

The sinusoid of South Korea’s foreign relations with North Korea in light of the nuclear issue – what lies ahead?

Nuclear development in North Korea is the most often raised issue within Inter-Korean relations. Considering the mercurial nature of the…
  • Agnieszka Lewczuk
  • April 7, 2023
  • Publications, Reports, Security, Ukraine

The [Ninth] Year of The Russo-Ukrainian War. INE Analysis

One year after Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine, we present you an in-depth analysis in which Aleksy Borówka (in cooperation…
  • Aleksy Borówka
  • April 6, 2023
See All Publications

Comments are closed.

Piotr Wójcik Piotr Wójcik. The graduate of master’s studies of International Relations faculty at the University of Warsaw. He participated in numerous transnational projects. His interests focus on international processes in Central and Eastern Europe. He is keen, particularly on the Three Seas Initiative. He wrote the master thesis and analyzes related to this regional format in CEE, for various organizations. He is also fascinated by other research issues like the international cooperation in the South Caucasus and the engagement of third parties in this region, but also in Central and Eastern Europe.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

YouTube

Latest publications

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org
  • Jakub Bielamowicz comments for TRT World on local elections in northern Kosovo boycotted by Kosovo Serbs [Video]
    by Jakub Bielamowicz
    April 24, 2023
  • The sinusoid of South Korea’s foreign relations with North Korea in light of the nuclear issue – what lies ahead?
    by Agnieszka Lewczuk
    April 7, 2023
  • The [Ninth] Year of The Russo-Ukrainian War. INE Analysis
    by Aleksy Borówka
    April 6, 2023

Categories

THE MOST POPULAR TAGS:

  • Log in
  • Entries feed
  • Comments feed
  • WordPress.org

China economy European Union International politics International security Poland Russia Security terrorism Ukraine USA

  • About
  • Publications
  • Europe
  • Security
  • O nas
  • Publikacje
  • Europa
  • Bezpieczeństwo
  • Indo-Pacific
  • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
  • People
  • Contact – Careers
  • Indo-Pacyfik
  • Trójmorze
  • Ludzie
  • Kontakt – Kariera

Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



© 2019-2023 The Institute of New Europe Foundation · All rights reserved · Support us