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Institute of New Europe Institute of New Europe
  • About
  • Publications
      • Publications

        The primary categories of materials published by the Institute as part of its research and analytical activities.

      • SEE ALL PUBLICATIONS

      • Analyses
        Daily commentary and analysis on international issues provided by our experts and analysts
      • Reports
        Comprehensive thematic studies on international relations and socio-political issues
      • Video
        Recordings of expert debates and series of video podcasts created by our team and experts
      • Maps
        Selection of maps depicting international alliances and foreign visits of key politicians
  • Programmes
      • Programmes

        The main areas of research and publication activities at the Institute with separate teams of experts, functioning under the supervision of the head of a particular programme.

      • WEBSITE OF THE THREE SEAS PROJECT

      • Europe
        Analyses and commentaries on European integration and the place of Europe on the political and economic map of the world
      • Security
        Studies in the field of international and internal security of individual states, with particular emphasis on the role of NATO
      • Indo-Pacific
        An overview of the political and economic situation in the region, the status of the U.S.-China rivalry, and the EU’s policy towards China
      • Three Seas Think Tanks Hub
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Feb 08
Analysis, Military and army, Publications, USA

U.S. Army 2030 – in search of a new asymmetric advantage on the battlefield

February 8, 2025

Introduction
The U.S. Army is facing a series of new challenges arising from increased pressure from revanchist powers, namely China and Russia. This necessitates a reorganization of the Army to ensure it can outmatch the ground forces of these potential rivals. The primary goal is to shift the Army’s focus from counter-insurgency warfare, as seen in the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, to a force capable of fighting in a conventional symmetrical conflict. The entire reform and modernization process is designed to address the challenges of LSCOs (Large-Scale Combat Operations). These operations are characterized by their intensity, high casualty rates, rapid pace, and substantial resource consumption [1].

Changing nature of modern armed conflict

The changes occurring in current armed conflicts suggest that the American continent can no longer be considered secure. This was of immense importance during World Wars I and II, when the oceans acted as a natural barrier, allowing industry and the war economy to expand to unprecedented levels. German submarine attacks, along with occasional Japanese attempts to strike the mainland, had minimal impact on the conduct of the war effort and failed to threaten the American economy or population. This sense of security became deeply embedded in American strategic culture. However, the advancement of modern means of influence, coupled with the rising intensity of Russian and Chinese hybrid activities, will present new challenges. This is particularly true for military modernization programs like US Army 2030. Cyberattacks targeting infrastructure, disinformation, and manipulation campaigns will pose significant threats to military logistics, recruitment systems, and mobilization capabilities. To address these threats, the U.S. Department of Defense has introduced the JADO (Joint All-Domain Operations) concept, which aims to ensure that the modernization efforts align with these emerging challenges.  

The air-land battle concept dominated the U.S. Army for two decades, with air forces working in tandem with ground troops to engage and neutralize the enemy’s combat capabilities. However, in 2001, it was replaced by the concept of full-spectrum operations.

Multi-Domain Operations (MDO), source: US Army accomplishments and investment plan

According to the U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, MDO (or multi-domain operation) is defined by the rapid and continuous integration of all areas of the battlefield [2]. Field Manual 3-0 defines the MDO as follows: “The combined arms deployment of joint and Army capabilities to create and exploit relative advantages that achieve objectives, defeat enemy forces, and consolidate gains on behalf of joint force commanders.” The goal of Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) is to develop technologies across all areas of the battlefield to achieve dominance, while simultaneously deterring potential aggressors [3]. MDO is intended to significantly expand the existing concept of air-land battle prevalent in the US Army since the Warsaw Pact era. This is dictated primarily by the requirements of the modern battlefield and the possibility of potential adversaries from A2/AD (anti-access/area denial) ranges [4]. MDO assures that the battlefield will be significantly expanded compared to the earlier concept of air-land battle.

In response to the demands of multi-domain operations, Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs) are designed to integrate intelligence, cyber, information, electronic warfare (EW), and space force components. Their purpose is to enable long-range precision strikes across multiple domains, employing both kinetic and non-kinetic means of influence [5]. The task of these units is to penetrate the environment and counter the A2/AD capabilities of a potential adversary.

At this moment, 5 units of this type are in the organizational phase [6]. These units are intended to be available at the Theater of War level and to support coalition forces.

US Army 2030

The U.S. Army 2030 program is designed to align with the priorities outlined in the National Security Strategy and the 2022 National Defense Strategy [7]. The documents identify China as a growing challenge and Russia as a current threat. Iran and North Korea are also listed as ongoing threats.

The U.S. Army plans to enhance its capabilities through a Middle Tier of Acquisition (MTA) approach, which involves introducing new capabilities over a 2-5 year period. This concept was approved by Congress in 2016 and implemented by the Department of Defense in 2018 [8]. This approach allows for prototypes to be tested and integrated into the armed forces at an unprecedented speed. To date, over 100 projects have been executed under the MTA, the majority of which are small-scale, but 10% involve the modernization of key programs, such as the B-52, F-22, hypersonic missiles, and Protected Tactical SATCOM.

The strength of the Army 2030 concept lies in reinforcing what the U.S. military has dominated since World War II—systemic integration. The focus is placed equally on all elements of the puzzle, from recruitment and mobilization to logistics. The U.S. Army’s published Field Manual 3-0 Operations transforms multi-domain operations from a concept into a formal doctrine [9]. The doctrine is an evolution of the familiar concepts of air-land battle, full-spectrum operations, and unified ground operations. It also incorporates lessons learned from the past 20 years of counterinsurgency operations and insights from the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.

For the past 20 years, Brigade Combat Teams have been the U.S. Army’s primary tactical-level units. However, the lessons from the war in Ukraine suggest that only higher-level units—such as divisions, corps, or armies within a given Theater of War—are capable of executing operations that can alter the situation on the front lines. To empower these higher-level units, the U.S. Army is investing in organizations such as:

  1. multi-domain task forces,
  2. security force support brigades,
  3. fire units of the Theater of War,
  4. Theater of War information superiority units,
  5. Theater of War military intelligence brigades.

By integrating these units into the Theater Army, commanders are to be provided with a valuable tool to maintain dominance over potential adversaries like China and Russia. Corps have been identified as the primary level for synchronizing and executing multi-domain operations.

Corps commands will face the critical task of synthesizing vast amounts of data from diverse battlefield domains, including land, air, cyberspace, and space. Additionally, corps commanders will bear responsibility for sustaining pressure on the deep battlefield, extending beyond the first line of troop contact. This will be achieved using effectors such as loitering missiles, precision munitions, and long-range missiles. The coordination of these operations will rely on the Joint All-Domain Command and Control (JADC2) system.

In the concept, divisions are defined as the fundamental tactical level. Their primary role is to position Brigade Combat Teams (BCTs) to secure tactical advantages. Historically, divisions have functioned primarily as administrative entities, managing the operational deployment of BCTs. However, in a potential large-scale conflict, divisions must once again take on the role of primary operational units [10].

Divisional air defense battalions are expected to provide adaptable air defense capabilities, wherever the tactical situation requires. Meanwhile, division-level engineering units will face the increasingly challenging task of securing crossings in contested environments.

Reinforced Armor Division (Fig. 1)

The reinforced armor division will be the heaviest type of division in the U.S. Army. Its primary operational role will focus on breaking through enemy defenses, supported by advanced effectors on the battlefield, and exploiting breaches in the enemy’s rear. These operations will be enhanced by expanded division-level artillery and engineering units integrated into its structure. Plans include transforming existing units into reinforced armor divisions, such as:

  1. 1st Cavalry Division
  2. 1st Armored Division
  3. 34th Infantry Division (National Guard)

The maneuver component of these divisions will consist of three Armored Brigade Combat Teams (ABCTs) [11]. An intriguing and innovative addition to the divisional armor cavalry squadron is the Cross-Domain Troop. This unit will focus on managing, testing, and implementing cutting-edge technologies, including drones and loitering munitions.

The division’s firepower will be provided by divisional artillery, comprising three battalions of 155mm self-propelled artillery. Additional support for the entire division will come from an artillery battalion equipped with M1299 Extended Range Cannon Artillery (ERCA), capable of firing 155mm shells at ranges of up to 70 kilometers. (Fig.1)

US Army Reinforced Armor Division, source: TRADOC (Fig.1)

Armor Division (Fig. 2)

However, the Reinforced Armor Division will not be the only unit established under the US Army 2030 modernization program. Plans also include the creation of lighter, more streamlined armored divisions. The primary distinction between these lighter divisions and the heavier reinforced divisions lies in reduced specialization and a lighter organic artillery component. Units slated for transformation into armor divisions include:

  1. 1st Infantry Division
  2. 3rd Infantry Division
  3. 36th Infantry Division (National Guard)

The maneuver component will include two Armor Brigade Combat Teams (ABCTs) and one Brigade Combat Team (BCT) equipped with Stryker transport vehicles. Unlike the reinforced divisions, these units will lack a divisional armored cavalry squadron [12].

The fire component will be managed by a divisional artillery brigade, which will consist of two field artillery battalions equipped with 155mm self-propelled guns and one field artillery battalion with 155mm towed guns. (Fig. 2)

US Army Armor Division, source: TRADOC (Fig. 2)

Light Division (Fig. 3)

The U.S. Army’s light divisions are set to be the most numerous units within the force. By design, the primary unit will be the Infantry Brigade Combat Teams (IBCTs), which are expected to be renamed in the future as Light Brigade Combat Teams (LCBTs) or Mobile Brigade Combat Teams (MCBTs). These units are planned to be converted into the posts:

  1. 10th Mountain Division
  2. 25th Infantry Division
  3. 11th Airborne Division

While:

  1. 28th Infantry Division
  2. 29th Infantry Division
  3. 35th Infantry Division
  4. 40th Infantry Division
  5. 42nd Infantry Division

are to be light divisions of the National Guard (NG).

The maneuver component will consist of three Light/Mobile Brigade Combat Teams (LCBT/MCBT) and one Mobile Protected Firepower Battalion (MPFB). These battalions will be equipped with support vehicles armed with 105mm cannons, with companies of these vehicles supporting the Brigade Combat Teams. M10 Booker SPGs will be responsible for this task, with the first units delivered to the troops in April 2024 [13]. Interestingly, each brigade is to have a military intelligence company.

The fire component will be managed by a brigade at the division level, consisting of three field artillery battalions equipped with towed guns. In the future, it is possible that the towed guns may be replaced with self-propelled guns mounted on truck chassis or similar platforms. The first battalion will consist of 155mm caliber guns, while the other two will feature 105mm caliber M777 guns. These units will provide fire support to brigade combat teams. In the event of the need for “larger caliber” artillery, organic corps-level field artillery brigades equipped with HIMARS/MLRS rocket artillery systems will be available for additional support [14].

US Army Light Division, source: TRADOC (Fig. 3)

The next units to be created as part of US Army 2030 are:

  1. Airborne Division (JFE – Joint Forcible Entry), similar to a light division in terms of staffing, but with a focus on airborne operations. The 82nd Division and 173rd Airborne Brigade are set to be restructured to align with this. The goal is to transform these units to meet the requirements of a fully independent brigade combat team.
  2. Air Assault Division (JFE – Joint Forcible Entry), minimally motorized, using helicopter transport. The 101st Division is to converge to this staffing [15].

Despite the changes in command structures, the US Army 2030 concept does not discard brigade combat teams, which have been the backbone of the US Army for the past 20 years. The objective is to leverage their potential for rapid decision-making and flexibility while reducing their size to improve maneuverability and survivability through battlefield dispersion. Additionally, the plan is to shift the responsibility for air dominance coordination from the brigade level to the division level.

All of these changes are designed to function systemically at each level, a necessity in a modern battlefield increasingly dominated by means of influence not addressed in the previous air-land battle doctrine. Units at each level will be structured to target and assign tasks according to the specific level and type of unit involved.

Training

The most important element of the US Army 2030 concept is its people. They are the ones who form battle groups, lead teams, and manage battlefield operations.

In terms of training, Army 2030 will place a strong emphasis on learning from ongoing armed conflicts, particularly the war in Ukraine. Plans include the introduction of virtual reality training to prepare soldiers for all possible scenarios. Purchases of new equipment and the integration of new technologies will be paired with the most realistic training available, based on observations from Ukraine, as well as a focus on developing initiative and leadership within the armed forces.

New technologies

The U.S. Army 2030 is not only about doctrinal and organizational changes, but above all technological advancements. These range from cloud computing to hypersonic weapons. The portfolio of all programs being developed as part of the reforms is vast and diverse. Examples:

  1. Next Generation Combat Vehicle (NGCV)
  2. Maneuver-Short Range Air Defense (M-SHORAD)
  3. Army Integrated Air and Missile Defense (AIAMD)
  4. Forward Area Air Defense Command and Control (FAAD C2)
  5. Indirect Fire Protection Capability – High Power Microwave (IFPC-HPM)
  6. Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon (LRHW)
  7. Joint Air-to-Ground Missile (JAGM)
  8. 155 mm Excalibur Projectiles
  9. Indirect Fire Protection Capability – High Energy Laser (IFPC-HEL)
  10. Booker Combat Vehicle – M10
  11. Infantry Squad Vehicle (ISV)

Given the rapid technological changes on the modern battlefield, the U.S. Army is working to adjust its procurement plans accordingly. A prime example of this is the acceleration of the Next Generation Squad Weapons (NGSW) project. Taking into account the lessons learned from Ukraine, the Army has significantly expedited the implementation, procurement, and integration of projects like lethal unmanned systems, known as loitering munitions.

Summary

Sensorization is transforming the battlefield. Future warfare will no longer resemble the asymmetric conflicts the U.S. Army has experienced over the past 20 years. As a result, there is a pressing need to seek new advantages and coordinate emerging effectors to preserve the U.S. Army’s dominance on the ground against the potential forces of revanchist powers.

The primary goal is to create a more effective deterrent, which will be achieved by maintaining visible force superiority. The positions outlined above will evolve as the concept develops, meaning the final composition and size of the units will likely change over time.

The concept can be criticized for the excessive specialization of individual tactical units. Heavy divisions have too small an infantry component, which could pose a risk in the event of a high-intensity conflict. Meanwhile, light divisions feature too much infantry and lack sufficient heavy equipment support.

The US Army 2030 is fundamentally a series of organizational reforms, but it also places significant emphasis on doctrinal changes. Since World War II, the US Army has been a prime example of a military operating in a systemic manner. Systemic operation means giving equal importance to all aspects of warfare, from the economic base and logistics to the individual soldier.

The US Army expects to achieve full operational capability for Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) by 2035 [16].

Bibliography

  1. MAJ R. Locklear, The Army of 2040: An Extension of the 2030 Goals, ausa.org, 08.03.2024, link: https://www.ausa.org/publications/army-2040-extension-2030-goals [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  2. Ibidem.
  3. Ibidem.
  4. Congressional Research Service, The Army’s AimPoint and Army 2030 Force Structure Initiatives, crsreports.org, 31.01.2022, link: https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11542 [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  5. U.S. Army, AMERICA’S ARMY: READY NOW, INVESTING IN THE FUTURE, army.mil, link: https://www.army.mil/e2/downloads/rv7/about/usarmy_fy19_21_accomplishments_and_investment_plan.pdf [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  6. Congressional Research Service, The 2024 Army Force Structure Transformation Initiative, crsreports.org, 21.08.2024, link: https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R47985 [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  7. Gen. James Rainey, Lt. Gen. Laura Potter, Delivering the Army of 2030, warontherocks.com, 06.08.2023, link: https://warontherocks.com/2023/08/delivering-the-army-of-2030/ [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  8. Pete Modigliani, Dan Ward, Matt MacGregor, Get to Know the Middle Tier of Awesome…Er, Acquisition, defenseone.com, 12.09.2022, link: https://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2022/09/get-know-middle-tier-awesomeer-acquisition/377017/ [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  9. Gen. James Rainey, Lt. Gen. Laura Potter, Delivering the Army of 2030, warontherocks.com, 06.08.2023, link: https://warontherocks.com/2023/08/delivering-the-army-of-2030/ [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  10. Battle Order, U.S. Army’s Way Forward: 5 New Division Organizations, battleorder.org, 11.04.2023, link: https://www.battleorder.org/post/waypoint-divisions [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  11. Ibidem.
  12. LTC Kevin Hadley, MAJ Savannah Spencer, MAJ Justin Martens, How the Army 2030 Divisions Fight (Formerly Known as WayPoint 2028), TRADOC Proponent Office—Echelons Above Brigade, U.S. Army Combined Arms Center, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, 02.02.2023
  13. John Ashley, Army takes delivery of first M10 Booker Combat Vehicle, army.mil, 18.04.2024, link: https://www.army.mil/article/275419/army_takes_delivery_of_first_m10_booker_combat_vehicle [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  14. Battle Order, U.S. Army’s Way Forward: 5 New Division Organizations, battleorder.org, 11.04.2023, link: https://www.battleorder.org/post/waypoint-divisions [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
  15. LTC Kevin Hadley, MAJ Savannah Spencer, MAJ Justin Martens, How the Army 2030 Divisions Fight (Formerly Known as WayPoint 2028), TRADOC Proponent Office—Echelons Above Brigade, U.S. Army Combined Arms Center, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, 02.02.2023
  16. Congressional Research Service, The Army’s AimPoint and Army 2030 Force Structure Initiatives, crsreports.org, 31.01.2022, link: https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11542 [dostęp: 18.01.2025]
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Jan Starosta Head of the Project Office at the New Europe Institute. Graduate of quantitative methods in economics and information systems at the Warsaw School of Economics. Member of the Society of Polish Economists and the Forum of Young Diplomats. Winner of the Young Experts Day competition in 2024. His research interests include: arms diplomacy and military, international security and public finance.

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Jan Starosta Head of the Project Office at the New Europe Institute. Graduate of quantitative methods in economics and information systems at the Warsaw School of Economics. Member of the Society of Polish Economists and the Forum of Young Diplomats. Winner of the Young Experts Day competition in 2024. His research interests include: arms diplomacy and military, international security and public finance.
Program Europa tworzą:

Marcin Chruściel

Dyrektor programu. Absolwent studiów doktoranckich z zakresu nauk o polityce na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim, magister stosunków międzynarodowych i europeistyki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prezes Zarządu Instytutu Nowej Europy.

dr Artur Bartoszewicz

Przewodniczący Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk ekonomicznych Szkoły Głównej Handlowej. Ekspert w dziedzinie polityki publicznej, w tym m. in. strategii państwa i gospodarki.

Michał Banasiak

Specjalizuje się w relacjach sportu i polityki. Autor analiz, komentarzy i wywiadów z zakresu dyplomacji sportowej i polityki międzynarodowej. Były dziennikarz Polsat News i wysłannik redakcji zagranicznej Telewizji Polskiej.

Maciej Pawłowski

Ekspert ds. migracji, gospodarki i polityki państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego. W latach 2018-2020 Analityk PISM ds. Południowej Europy. Autor publikacji w polskiej i zagranicznej prasie na temat Hiszpanii, Włoch, Grecji, Egiptu i państw Magrebu. Od września 2020 r. mieszka w północnej Afryce (Egipt, Algieria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Absolwent studiów prawniczych Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się na Inicjatywie Trójmorza i polityce w Bułgarii. Doświadczenie zdobywał w European Foundation of Human Rights w Wilnie, Center for the Study of Democracy w Sofii i polskich placówkach dyplomatycznych w Teheranie i Tbilisi.

Program Bezpieczeństwo tworzą:

dr Aleksander Olech

Dyrektor programu. Wykładowca na Baltic Defence College, absolwent Europejskiej Akademii Dyplomacji oraz Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego główne zainteresowania badawcze to terroryzm, bezpieczeństwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz rola NATO i UE w środowisku zagrożeń hybrydowych.

dr Agnieszka Rogozińska

Członek Rady Programowej Instytutu Nowej Europy. Doktor nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce. Zainteresowania badawcze koncentruje na problematyce bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, instytucjonalnym wymiarze bezpieczeństwa i współczesnych zagrożeniach.

Aleksy Borówka

Doktorant na Wydziale Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Przewodniczący Krajowej Reprezentacji Doktorantów w kadencji 2020. Autor kilkunastu prac naukowych, poświęconych naukom o bezpieczeństwie, naukom o polityce i administracji oraz stosunkom międzynarodowym. Laureat I, II oraz III Międzynarodowej Olimpiady Geopolitycznej.

Karolina Siekierka

Absolwentka Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe, specjalizacji Bezpieczeństwo i Studia Strategiczne. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną i wewnętrzną Francji, prawa człowieka oraz konflikty zbrojne.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Podoficer rezerwy, student studiów magisterskich na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe i Dyplomacja na Akademii Sztuki Wojennej, były praktykant w BBN. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują m.in. operacje pokojowe ONZ oraz bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy.

Leon Pińczak

Student studiów drugiego stopnia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe. Dziennikarz polskojęzycznej redakcji Biełsatu. Zawodowo zajmuje się obszarem postsowieckim, rosyjską polityką wewnętrzną i doktrynami FR. Biegle włada językiem rosyjskim.

Program Indo-Pacyfik tworzą:

Łukasz Kobierski

Dyrektor programu. Współzałożyciel INE oraz prezes zarządu w latach 2019-2021. Stypendysta szkoleń z zakresu bezpieczeństwa na Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security w Waszyngtonie, ekspert od stosunków międzynarodowych. Absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika. Wiceprezes Zarządu INE.

dr Joanna Siekiera

Prawnik międzynarodowy, doktor nauk społecznych, adiunkt na Wydziale Prawa Uniwersytetu w Bergen w Norwegii. Była stypendystką rządu Nowej Zelandii na Uniwersytecie Victorii w Wellington, niemieckiego Institute of Cultural Diplomacy, a także francuskiego Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques.

Paweł Paszak

Absolwent stosunków międzynarodowych (spec. Wschodnioazjatycka) na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim oraz stypendysta University of Kent (W. Brytania) i Hainan University (ChRL). Doktorant UW i Akademii Sztuki Wojennej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują politykę zagraniczną ChRL oraz strategiczną rywalizację Chiny-USA.

Jakub Graca

Magister stosunków międzynarodowych na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim; studiował także filologię orientalną (specjalność: arabistyka). Analityk Centrum Inicjatyw Międzynarodowych (Warszawa) oraz Instytutu Nowej Europy. Zainteresowania badawcze: Stany Zjednoczone (z naciskiem na politykę zagraniczną), relacje transatlantyckie.

Patryk Szczotka

Absolwent filologii dalekowschodniej ze specjalnością chińską na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim oraz student kierunku double degree China and International Relations na Aalborg University oraz University of International Relations (国际关系学院) w Pekinie. Jego zainteresowania naukowe to relacje polityczne i gospodarcze UE-ChRL oraz dyplomacja.

The programme's team:

Marcin Chruściel

Programme director. Graduate of PhD studies in Political Science at the University of Wroclaw and Master studies in International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. President of the Management Board at the Institute of New Europe.

PhD Artur Bartoszewicz

Chairman of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Economic Sciences at the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Expert in the field of public policy, including state and economic strategies. Expert at the National Centre for Research and Development and the Digital Poland Projects Centre.

Michał Banasiak

He specializes in relationship of sports and politics. Author of analysis, comments and interviews in the field of sports diplomacy and international politics. Former Polsat News and Polish Television’s foreign desk journalist.

Maciej Pawłowski

Expert on migration, economics and politics of Mediterranean countries. In the period of 2018-2020 PISM Analyst on Southern Europe. Author of various articles in Polish and foreign press about Spain, Italy, Greece, Egypt and Maghreb countries. Since September 2020 lives in North Africa (Egypt, Algeria).

Jędrzej Błaszczak

Graduate of Law at the University of Silesia. His research interests focus on the Three Seas Initiative and politics in Bulgaria. He acquired experience at the European Foundation of Human Rights in Vilnius, the Center for the Study of Democracy in Sofia, and in Polish embassies in Tehran and Tbilisi.

PhD Aleksander Olech

Programme director. Visiting lecturer at the Baltic Defence College, graduate of the European Academy of Diplomacy and War Studies University. His main research interests include terrorism, international cooperation for security in Eastern Europe and the role of NATO and the EU with regard to hybrid threats.

PhD Agnieszka Rogozińska

Member of the Institute's Programme Board. Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of Political Science. Editorial secretary of the academic journals "Politics & Security" and "Independence: journal devoted to Poland's recent history". Her research interests focus on security issues.

Aleksy Borówka

PhD candidate at the Faculty of Social Sciences in the University of Wroclaw, the President of the Polish National Associations of PhD Candidates in 2020. The author of dozen of scientific papers, concerning security studies, political science, administration, international relations. Laureate of the I, II and III International Geopolitical Olympiad.

Karolina Siekierka

Graduate of International Relations specializing in Security and Strategic Studies at University of Warsaw. Erasmus student at the Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) and the Institut d’Etudes Politique de Paris (Sciences Po Paris). Her research areas include human rights, climate change and armed conflicts.

Stanisław Waszczykowski

Reserve non-commissioned officer. Master's degree student in International Security and Diplomacy at the War Studies University in Warsaw, former trainee at the National Security Bureau. His research interests include issues related to UN peacekeeping operations and the security of Ukraine.

Leon Pińczak

A second-degree student at the University of Warsaw, majoring in international relations. A journalist of the Polish language edition of Belsat. Interested in the post-Soviet area, with a particular focus on Russian internal politics and Russian doctrines - foreign, defense and information-cybernetic.

Łukasz Kobierski

Programme director. Deputy President of the Management Board. Scholarship holder at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School of National Security in Washington and an expert in the field of international relations. Graduate of the University of Warsaw and the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń

PhD Joanna Siekiera

International lawyer, Doctor of social sciences, postdoctor at the Faculty of Law, University of Bergen, Norway. She was a scholarship holder of the New Zealand government at the Victoria University of Wellington, Institute of Cultural Diplomacy in Germany, Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques in France.

Paweł Paszak

Graduate of International Relations (specialisation in East Asian Studies) from the University of Warsaw and scholarship holder at the University of Kent (UK) and Hainan University (China). PhD candidate at the University of Warsaw and the War Studies University. His research areas include the foreign policy of China and the strategic rivalry between China and the US in the Indo-Pacific.

Jakub Graca

Master of International Relations at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He also studied Arabic therein. An analyst at the Center for International Initiatives (Warsaw) and the Institute of New Europe. Research interests: United States (mainly foreign policy), transatlantic relations.

Patryk Szczotka

A graduate of Far Eastern Philology with a specialization in China Studies at the University of Wroclaw and a student of a double degree “China and International Relations” at Aalborg University and University of International Relations (国际关系学院) in Beijing. His research interests include EU-China political and economic relations, as well as diplomacy.

Three Seas Think Tanks Hub is a platform of cooperation among different think tanks based in 3SI member countries. Their common goal is to strengthen public debate and understanding of the Three Seas region seen from the political, economic and security perspective. The project aims at exchanging ideas, research and publications on the region’s potential and challenges.

Members

The Baltic Security Foundation (Latvia)

The BSF promotes the security and defense of the Baltic Sea region. It gathers security experts from the region and beyond, provides a platform for discussion and research, promotes solutions that lead to stronger regional security in the military and other areas.

The Institute for Politics and Society (Czech Republic)

The Institute analyses important economic, political, and social areas that affect today’s society. The mission of the Institute is to cultivate the Czech political and public sphere through professional and open discussion.

Nézöpont Institute (Hungary)

The Institute aims at improving Hungarian public life and public discourse by providing real data, facts and opinions based on those. Its primary focus points are Hungarian youth, media policy and Central European cooperation.

The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (Austria)

The wiiw is one of the principal centres for research on Central, East and Southeast Europe with 50 years of experience. Over the years, the Institute has broadened its expertise, increasing its regional coverage – to European integration, the countries of Wider Europe and selected issues of the global economy.

The International Institute for Peace (Austria)

The Institute strives to address the most topical issues of the day and promote dialogue, public engagement, and a common understanding to ensure a holistic approach to conflict resolution and a durable peace. The IIP functions as a platform to promote peace and non-violent conflict resolution across the world.

The Institute for Regional and International Studies (Bulgaria)

The IRIS initiates, develops and implements civic strategies for democratic politics at the national, regional and international level. The Institute promotes the values of democracy, civil society, freedom and respect for law and assists the process of deepening Bulgarian integration in NATO and the EU.

The European Institute of Romania

EIR is a public institution whose mission is to provide expertise in the field of European Affairs to the public administration, the business community, the social partners and the civil society. EIR’s activity is focused on four key domains: research, training, communication, translation of the EHRC case-law.

The Institute of New Europe (Poland)

The Institute is an advisory and analytical non-governmental organisation active in the fields of international politics, international security and economics. The Institute supports policy-makers by providing them with expert opinions, as well as creating a platform for academics, publicists, and commentators to exchange ideas.

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  • EU-China Affairs Review January 2026
    by Mikołaj Woźniak
    February 16, 2026
  • Russia Affairs Review January 2026
    by Ksawery Stawiński
    February 16, 2026
  • Overview of Events in the Middle East – December 2025
    by Kasjusz Matyjasek
    January 31, 2026

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Financed with funds from the National Freedom Institute - Center for Civil Society Development under the Governmental Civil Society Organisations Development Programme for 2018-2030.

Sfinansowano ze środków Narodowego Instytutu Wolności – Centrum Rozwoju Społeczeństwa Obywatelskiego w ramach Rządowego Programu Rozwoju Organizacji Obywatelskich na lata 2018-2030.



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